Suchergebnisse

A few years after the collapse of communist regimes, it is evident that the confidence about the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy was premature. This waking up to the reality is not only the consequence of the hardships in the transformation of post-communist societies, but of the intellectual scepticism regarding the normative potential of liberal democracy in the developed western societies. The problem might in most general terms be formulated as the incapacity of liberal democracy to generate and reproduce the normative requirements for its own survival. The author thinks that the solution to this paradox can nevertheless be found within the institutional framework of liberal democracy: if the traditional moral concepts on which liberal democracy was founded in the past are worn out indeed, and no civil- religious substitute for that tradition has emerged as yet, then its only possibility is to create its own, modern or post-modern, morality by means of the public discourse mechanism and the political participation of citizens. The normative dimension of liberalism must not be reduced to the theory of private ownership, market and competition, but be envisaged as a constitutional theory of human rights and restricted government and the egalitarian distribution of goods and opportunities. (SOI : PM: S. 30)

Fight against organized crime is a proactive, strategically oriented activity of all contemporary, democratic states, both nationally and at the international level. The set limits of more efficient suppression of the most serious crimes are the result of active reforms of national normative frameworks, ratified international documents, but also intensive professional cooperation between countries in the field of detecting, combating and prosecuting organized crime. Security threats, which are extremely high when it comes to organized crime, would be difficult to combat without adequate international cooperation between democratic states. One of the countries that actively participate in international cooperation, emphasizing cooperation with European agencies is Serbia. Namely, there is a justified question of the efficiency of Serbia's cooperation with European agencies in the suppression of organized crime, the harmonization of the national framework with the acquis communautare, which is the goal of research in this paper. In accordance with that, the author, through expert and critical analysis of normative solutions, results of practical application and valid theoretical views, analyses the subject matter from the following aspects: first, introductory considerations; second, the effectiveness of financial investigations and the Action Plan for Chapter 23; third, Serbia's cooperation with European agencies in combating organized crime and reforming the normative framework; fourth, concluding remarks. ; Борба против организованог криминалитета представља проактивну, стратешки орјентисану активност свих савремених, демократских држава, како унутар њених граница, тако и на међународном нивоу. Постављене границе ефикаснијег сузбијања најтежих кривичних дела представљају резултат ак- тивних реформи националних нормативних оквира, ратификова- них међународних докумената, али и интензивне, професионалне сарадње између држава која се одвија на пољу откривања, суз- бијања и процесуирања кривичних дела организованог ...

T eorija društvenog izbora postavlja značajan izazov pred teoriju demokratije. Erouova teorema mogućnosti pokazuje da nije moguće istovremeno da budu zadovoljeni neki normativni uslovi u pogledu procedure glasanja koji garantuju da je ona fer i da ishod glasanja bude koherentan. Ovaj rezultat dovodi u pitanje normativnu opravdanost demokratije u onoj meri u kojoj se ona zasniva na proceduri glasanja. Kao jedan od mogućih puteva za rešenje Erouovog problema predložen je uslov jednovršnosti u pogledu poredaka preferencija. U ovom radu bavićemo se pitanjem u kojoj meri koncepcija deliberativne demokratije može da doprinese postizanju jednovršnosti koja potom garantuje koherentan društveni izbor. U tom kontekstu posebno ćemo istražiti tezu da javna deliberacija dovodi do metasaglasnosti koja potom može da implicira jednovršnost. Ovoj tezi pristupićemo ispitujući njenu empirijsku i normativnu adekvatnost. ; T he social choice theory presents a significant challenge to democratic theory. Arrow's impossibility theorem shows that it is not possible for some normative conditions – regarding the voting procedure guaranteeing its fairness and that the outcome of voting be coherent – to be satisfied at the same time. This brings into question normative justification of democracy to the degree to which it is based on the voting procedure. The single-peakedness condition was proposed as one of the possible ways to solve the Arrow's problem. In this paper we will explore to what extent the conception of deliberative democracy may contribute to achievement of single-peakedness which subsequently guarantees coherent social choice. In this context we will particularly explore the thesis that public deliberation leads to meta-agreement which might subsequently imply single-peakedness. We approach this thesis by probing its empirical and normative adequacy.

Demokratski optimizam devedestih godina prošlog veka zamenjuje osobita forma javnog razočarenja u demokratiju. Kriza demokratije praćena institucionalnim deficitima, konfuzijom, niskim stepenom upravljačke sposobnosti da se rešavaju pitanja siromaštva, nezaposlenosti, imigracije, korupcije, simptomi su ovoga stanja. Globalni val populizma najizoštreniji je izraz ove političke patologije. Početak novoga veka rađa uzlet otvorenog neprijateljstva prema demokratiji. Deskriptivni pristupi oslonjeni na proceduralnu dimenziju režima moći ("hibridni režimi", "ograničena demokratija" "iliberalna demokratija", "kompetitivni autoritarizam" ) pokazuju se nedostatnim. U ovome radu autor se vraća klasičnom konceptu "despotizma" i pokazuje normative i teorisjke prednosti ovoga koncepta ("novi despotizam") u analizi novoga režima moći koji izrasta na pretpostvkama sve šireg nepoverenja u demokratske instituciije. ; The democratic optimism of the 1990s has been replaced by a particular form of public disillusionment with democracy. The crisis of democracy, accompanied by institutional deficits, confusion, low levels of management capacity to tackle poverty, unemployment, immigration, corruption, are symptoms of this condition. The global wave of populism is the sharpest expression of this political pathology. The beginning of the new century has given birth to an open hostility to democracy. Descriptive approaches based on the procedural dimension of the regime of power ("hybrid regimes", "limited democracy", "liberal democracy", "competitive authoritarianism") are proving insufficient to capture the new political system. In this paper, the author returns to the classical concept of "despotism" and shows the normative and theoretical advantages of this concept ("new despotism") in the analysis of a new regime of power that grows on the premise of growing distrust of democratic institutions.

The article problematizes dominant understandings of moral rights to territory and rejects the claim that the legitimacy of independence of the former Yugoslav republics can be grounded in the right of their peoples to self-determination, either within ethnic or then-existing administrative boundaries. Instead, the most promising normative justification for a decision to recognize Yugoslav republics as independent states follows from a particular interpretation of the all-affected interests principle in democratic theory, which leads to a radical reconceptualization of the idea of the people, 'its' territory, and the legitimate role of the international community. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes Buchanan's theory of political constitution and his individualist understanding of political science. On the basis of homo economicus, Buchanan deduced the normative elements of political science, i.e. the proposals for the choice of political institutions. In his opinion, the choice of political institutions always contains the ethical dimension. The positive elements of political science are illustrated by means of the analyses of the behaviour of political actors within the designated framework. The author shows how this type of radical individualism does not satisfy the standards of political science since it de facto does away with the political sphere. (SOI : PM: S. 195)

У дисeртaциjи aкцeнaт је стaвљeн нa aнaлизу прoцeсa нoрмaлизaциje oднoсa измeђу уже Србиje и њене покрајине Koсoвa и Метохије у услoвимa дeлoвaњa тoкoвa глoбaлизaциje и тo крoз кoнтeкст прoцeсa eврoпских интeгрaциja рeгиoнa Зaпaднoг Бaлкaнa, у нaстojaњу дa сe oткриjу мeхaнизми кojимa сe рукoвoдe Eврoпскa униja (ЕУ), Србиja и косовске власти у сaмoм прoцeсу. Пoсeбнa пaжњa je пoсвeћeнa пoлитици услoвљaвaњa, кao глaвнoм инструмeнту кojи Eврoпскa униja упoтрeбљaвa прeмa Србиjи и Косову и Метохији, кao актерима кojи жeле дa пoстaну њeне члaнице. Teкст сe нaрoчитo бaви jaснoћoм услoвa, брзинoм нaгрaђивaњa и цeнтрифугaлним силaмa сaмoг прoцeсa уз oслoнaц нa примeну дoминaнтног тeoриjског приступa у овој области, институциoнaлизмa рaциoнaлнoг избoрa, кao глaвне истрaживaчке aргумeнтaциjе нa примeру прeгoвaрaчкoг пoглaвљa 35. Предмет истраживања је стога, степен успeшнoсти прoцeсa нoрмaлизaциje oднoсa измeђу Србиje и Koсoвa и Метохије у услoвимa глoбaлизaциje, односно дериватног процеса европеизације као прoцeса преноса и имплeмeнтaциje фoрмaлних и нeфoрмaлних прaвилa, прoцeдурa, пoлитичких пaрaдигми, стилoвa и нoрми кojи су нajпрe били дeфинисaни од стране EУ, a зaтим прeнeти у лoгику дoмaћeг дискурсa, пoлитичких структурa и jaвних пoлитика држава кандидата за чланство у ЕУ. Централно место у анализи свакако заузима степен нejaснoће сaмoг прoцeсa и пoврeмeни нeдoстaтaк крeдибилитeтa критeриjумa зa приступaњe ЕУ услед сталне прoмeнe услoвa интeгрaциje, као и пружaњe oтпoрa дoмaћих пoлитичких eлитa, и то посебно са аспекта кoристи и трoшкoвa, али и нивоа истинскe пoсвeћeнoсти решавању овог проблема. Истраживање посебно анализира нejeднaкe нивoe успeшнoсти, посебно посматрајући све типове приступа сaмих актера тог процеса, али и домете трaнсфoрмaтивнe мoћи ЕУ и мeхaнизама кojе Унија користи. ; The establishment of political relations between the authorities in Belgrade and in Prishtina in the frame of the process of globalization Resume: In this dissertation, emphasis is placed on analysis of the process of normalization of relations between central Serbia and its province Kosovo and Metohija in the frame of the process of globalization and in the context of European integration of the region of the Western Balkans, in an effort to discover the mechanisms that govern the European Union (EU), Serbia and Kosovo's authorities in the process itself. Special attention is paid to the policy of conditionality, as the main instrument used by the European Union towards Serbia and Kosovo, as actors who want to become its members. Text is particularly concerned with the clarity of conditions, the speed of rewarding and centrifugal forces of the process itself relying on the use of a predominant theoretical approach in this area, the rational choice institutionalism, as the main research argumentation on the case of the negotiating chapter 35. The subject of the research is therefore, the degree of success of the process of normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo and Metohija under conditions of globalization, as well as, under conditions of a derivative process of the Europeanization, as the process of transferring and implementing formal and informal rules, procedures, policy paradigms, styles and norms that were first defined by EU, and then transferred to the logic of domestic discourse, political structures and policies of the candidate countries for the membership in EU. The central place in the analysis of a degree of ambiguity of the process and occasional lack of credibility of the criteria for EU accession due to constant changes in terms of integration and resistance of domestic political elites, especially in terms of benefits and costs, but also the level of genuine commitment to resolving this problem. The study also analyzes the unequal levels of success observing all types of approaches of the actors onvolved in the process, as well as, the range of the transformative power of EU, and mechanisms that Union is using.

The author demonstrates the importance of public finances as a source of the theory of public choice. He identifies the contributions of the continental theorists of public choice from late 19th and early. 20th century, particularly that of the Swedish economist Knut Wicksell. The author considers his concept of the method of fair taxation the central source of the theory of public choice by James Buchanan and other representatives of the Virginian school. In the author's opinion, Wicksell's approach is basically normative but the author's detailed analysis of Wicksell's key work on the theory of fair taxation points to a series of salient points which are redolen of the positive theory of public choice as it was mapped out in the middle of the 20th century. (SOI : PM: S. 188)

The author analyses the relationship among legal nationhood, social nationhood, and democracy in democratic constitutional states. After identifing the definitions of democratic constitutional state, he concludes that it is an efficient structures within which one can mvestigate the relationship among democracy, legal and social nationhood. He suggests that these three principles have their normative roots in human freedom i.e. in the freedom of participating in p0litical negotiation, in the freedom from coercion and unjust rule, in the freedom from exigency, and in the free participation in the "we" of the modern industrial, technological and information society. And finally, the author analyses the tension between the legal and social nationhood which may be fruitful only if democracy contributes to the accomplishment of major social changes that maximise human freedom. (SOI : PM: S. 91)

The significance of the positive political theory is recognized in the text and a special emphasis given to the theory of public choice and the theory of voting. The main reasons for the study of political, particularly electoral processes from the viewpoint of the positive theory are listed. The author further questions certain fundamental postulates of the normative theories of democracy and their unviability. He goes on to analyse the phenomenon of the so called electoral or voting paradoxes and their possible influence on electoral results and, ultimately, on the democratic norms themselves. The existence of the voting paradoxes and their theoretical rationale is considered unequivocal and is mathematically proved. The author also gives a review of the most significant works on voting paradoxes and the theory of public choice. (SOI : PM: S 225)

Harmonisation of the foreign policies of the Western Balkan states with the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) within the Charter 31 of the pre-accession negotiations will be a significant obligation and challenge for most of them. Within this context, the author takes as a starting point the regular annual reports on the progress achieved by the states in the region. They show the degree of harmonisation of their foreign policies with this Union's mechanism (within four years in the 2011-2014 period). The author of the article particularly points to the real and substantial discrepancy between the normative framework of the EU CFSP and the specific activities taken by the Western Balkan states in the part concerning their position to the current crisis in Ukraine which, in a way, 'reflects' the geo-strategic interests of the 'West', on one hand, and those of the Russian Federation, on the other. At the same time, he points to the membership in the North Atlantic Alliance as a favourable framework for the acceleration of harmonisation of a country's foreign policy with the EU CFSP.

The author analzes the types of support for political systems. His analysis shows that there are three basic types of political support (to the national identity and pride, to the legitimation and to confidence) which correspond to the three basic units of political system (political community, political government/regime, and authorities). Each form of support serves to maintain the political regime on the whole, but each is independent of the others - or the influence solely goes one way: from the lower to the higher forms of support (from confidence via legitimation and to political identity). While the higher forms of support are primarily abstract, normative and affective in their nature, the lower forms are mostly empirical, instrumental, and cognitive in their definition. In the future, citizens are going to increasingly appraise political systems on the whole according to the totality of their performances, i.e. according to their evaluation of how and how much a system meets their needs, demands, and expectations. This will broaden the meaning of legitimation; it will no longer refer to the validity of a system (its procedurality) but to its effica as well. This will make life more difficult and complex for those in the position of power. These types of confidence warrant empirical research in order to determine their level, etiology, and functionality. (SOI : PM: S. 120)

More than one decade Serbia has been passing through the process of market reforms. Establishing of market economy institution had to allow the country one stabile economic development in the light of EU accession. That is, by the way, the same strategy of the most countries of Western Balkan. Actual economic crisis showed the other side of the result of previous changes, and of the realized growth and development. That were the consequences on macro economic and financial instability and structure of the economy. Many circumstances showed that in the Serbian real and normative economic system there were numerous controversies stopping or slowing EU accession and basic re forms process. European economic system is based on institutions. In spite of many bureaucratic obstacles of this system institutions are the main guarantee of the system surviving. The institutions in Serbia were not established in desirable way. The government, the parliament and courts are continually in conflicts, based on formalization of institutions. Regulatory bodies are very week and under pressure of parties power control, as well as corruption and institution formalizing. All those facts have negative influence on the process of EU accession and market reforms. Serbia need to accept lawful state and institution strengthening in order to catch a connection for advanced economies in reform. Most important conditions are not only better laws, but better education. .