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PO surveys from 1979 to 1981 are analyzed to assess changing Dutch attitudes on foreign & defense policies & the influence of pressure group activism, particularly that of the peace movement. Despite difficulties in data interpretation, findings indicate a greater change in intensity than in content of such attitudes; while there is quasi-unanimity to maintain NATO membership & balance of power, the majority of Rs want no new nuclear arms probably due to the peace movement, & wish to remove existing ones from Dutch territory & cease nuclear activity in the Dutch armed forces. Potential political gains by parties espousing these goals, particularly the Dutch Labor Party, are predicted. Contradictions in the available data are noted, however, & the necessity of more detailed research is emphasized. 35 Tables. Modified HA.

Discusses voting as a paradoxical, cyclical social preference, reflecting a common method of social choice used in democratic political decisions, ie, majority rule. An example of the voting paradox is analyzed. In Nov 1994, the Dutch Parliament discussed the modernization of the nuclear power plant in Borssele, offering parliament members three distinct options. Development of the options is reconstructed, & it is shown that subsequent application of majority rule through voting would have led to a top cycle in social preferences. This example illustrates how the voting paradox can occur in Dutch politics. 5 Tables, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Cold War was a tense time. The Netherlands took precautions to protect its people from potential disasters, in particular nuclear threats. One crucial aspect of this was the establishment of the Civil Defence Corps. The organisation played a key role in setting up command stations and training centres, such as the one in Overvoorde, Rijswijk, near The Hague, which ran exercises and training to prepare people for possible disasters. From large practice ruins to advanced alarm systems, the complex was fully equipped to deal with a broad range of threats. Although the threat of a nuclear attack subsided and the Civil Defence was officially disbanded in 1985, these command stations retained their importance. Many of them have since been repurposed, from storage sites to museums. The bunkers in Overvoorde now serve as an educational centre under the management of Korpora, the Public Safety Heritage Centre. By preserving these sites, we can ensure that future generations can learn from the past and the sacrifices that were made for their safety.

Wouters, J.: Massavernietigingswapens (MVW): welke veiligheidsrisico's? - S. 1-8. Zanders, J. P.: The threat with biological and toxin weapons. - S. 9-31. Reeps, H.: Chemical weapons. - S. 33-39. Koster, K.: Nuclear weapons. - S. 41-48. Papaconstantinou, A.: The EU approach. - S. 49-52. Whitesid, E. C.: NATO's approach. - S. 53-57. Miniter, R.: Iraq and WMD. - S. 59-66

Eyskens, M.: De uitbouw van Europa: de drie pijlers van het Verdrag van Maastricht en de IGC. - S.1-13. Huynen, P.: Uitvoering van de veiligheidsakkoorden: het CFE Verdrag. - S.15-49. Bossuyt, M.: De VN en de bescherming van de rechten van de mens. - S.51-66. Gazon, J.: La mondialisation de l'industrie: Quels defis? - S.67-95. Dumoulin, A.: L'OTAN, L'UEO et le lien transatlantique: l'avenir de la dissuasion nucleare en Europe. - S.97-154

Main political events of 1999 in Flanders (Belgium) are discussed. Following a description of the formalities, notably budget control issues, leading up to the June 13 elections, the results of the elections & the formation of the new Flemish parliament are described. Although the Christian democratic party CVP emerged as the largest party, it forfeited its governing rights; instead, a socialist/environmentalist coalition consisting of VLD, SP, Agalev, & VU-ID was formed. The development of budgetary agreements is summarized, & main elements of discussions & agreements in the following policy fields are addressed: economy & labor, infrastructure, environment, welfare, education, media, & state reformation. Since the Flemish parliament, established in 1995, is a relatively new institution, organizational & structural aspects of its departments are highlighted & explained, & the developmental processes of each department & office are emphasized. S. Paul

The Iraq War has once again spotlighted the divisions within the European Union that have prevented a unified foreign policy & strategy in its leadership. While the common market & currency, along with the accession of ten new member states have contributed greatly to a sense of European unity, the reliance on majority consensus & "soft security" neither ensures effective supranational policy making, nor does it eliminate the tension caused by the international leadership claims of three European Union members: GB, France, & Germany. The former two are both nuclear powers & permanent members of the Security Council, while the latter is one of the world's leading economies, & the dominant one in Europe; each has its own interests & orientations (eg, the transatlantic reflex of GB, the Continental reflex of France, & the pacifism of Germany). It is proposed that the European Union give more coordinating & directive power to the Union Ministry for Foreign Affairs to ensure a common foreign policy for the continent. A. Siegel

A CRITICAL REEXAMINATION OF PREVALENT ASSUMPTIONS IN INTERNATIONAL LITERATURE IS PRESENTED. THE TRADITIONAL MODEL OF THE INTERSTATE SYSTEM, WHICH GIVES THE NATIONSTATE A PROMINENT PLACE AS ACTOR & UNIT OF ANALYSIS & CONCEIVES OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM AS A COLLECTIVITY OF STATES AIMING AT EQUILIBRIUM, HAS BEEN GENERALLY ACCEPTED BY SCHOLARS (IE BALANCE OF POWER THEORY). DEVELOPMENTS IN INTERNATIONAL REALITY SEEM TO CONTRADICT THESE ASSUMPTIONS. THEY ARE SUMMARIZED IN THE CONCEPTS OF THE 'NUCLEAR AGE' & THE 'TRANSNATIONAL SYSTEM' & COMBINED IN THE NOTION OF INTERDEPENDENCE CHARACTERIZING THE PRESENT INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM. THESE DEVELOPMENTS POINT TO THE INCREASING CONVERGENCE OF RATIONAL & INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. IN RECENT INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS LITERATURE, THE TRADITIONAL HORIZONTAL, TERRITORIALLY-BASED ORGANIZATION OF THE POLITICAL PROCESS IS CONTRASTED WITH ITS INCREASINGLY VERTICAL, TRANSNATIONAL CHARACTER, WHILE AT THE SAME TIME THE EQUILIBRIUM MODEL OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS IS SUPERSEDED BY A VIEW OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM BASED ON RELATIONS OF DOMINANCE & SUPREMACY. THESE NEW INSIGHTS ARE COMBINED IN A MODEL OF A WORLD POLITICAL SYSTEM THAT IS GLOBAL IN ITS GEOGRAPHICAL DIMENSION. HA.

Dirksen, E.: De russische economische crisis. - S. 1-10. Wilkening, D. A.: The future of Russia's strategic nuclear force. - S. 11-32. (1) Wettig, G.: NATO, Russia and European security after the Cold War. - S. 33-39. (1) Facon, I.: L'armee russe, menace ou recours? - S. 41-52. (1) Braithwaite, R.: La russie, pays europeen. - S. 53-67. (1) Tinguy, A. de: Russie: dix ans de migrations, reflets d'un monde et transition. - S. 69-77. (1) Michel, L.: L'avenir de la Russie. - S. 1-3. (2) Vogel, H.: The Russian economy. - S. 7-11. (2) Adler, A.: La situation politique en Russie. - S. 13-20. (2) Mel'vil', A.: Domestic politics in Russia on the eve of March 26, 2000. - S. 21-27. (2) Kelleher, C. M. ; Tkacenko, S.: Internal security and the relations with "near abroad". - S. 29-40. (2) Graham, T. E (jr.): Russia's foreign policy. - S. 41-48. (2) ... Chudolej, K.: Russia, NATO and the European Union. - S. 53-58. (2) Bachkatov, N.: Ou va la Russie? - S. 59-62. (2)