Suchergebnisse

Using the empirical case of the Iranian nuclear program, the presented text is intended to test and conceptualize the security model of nuclear weapons proliferation, as it was outlined by Scott Sagan. As a byproduct of alternative explanations, the security model offers an implied interpretation rather than a clear conceptualization. A defensive reaction to a perceived threat from another nation is inherently expected within the security model. The security related but offensive intent is not appropriately covered by the model, though. Assuming that a defensive purpose requires a present danger from the other nation and the ability of a prospective arsenal to effectively challenge this danger, the two parts of the article's body are respectively devoted to two issues: first, it is examined whether the threat perceived by Iran actually exists, and second, the ability of the arsenal to deter opponents is subsequently addressed within the framework of nuclear strategy. Adapted from the source document.

The article outlines the main theoretical models of nuclear proliferation and the motives that are driving states to obtain nuclear weapons. It also focuses on theoretical concepts dealing with variants and alternatives of the future fate of nuclear arsenals and roles played by nuclear weapons. Attention is also paid to the roles of nuclear weapons in the past views of Great Britain and France. The article analyses their motives for joining the nuclear club and also the reasons that led them to keep their nuclear arsenals in the second nuclear age. The authors conclude that these two countries were driven to cross the nuclear threshold not just by security motives, but by other motives as well. Because of the fact that some such motives remain relevant even today, it is rather unlikely to presume that the two states would be willing to abolish their nuclear arsenals in the foreseeable future. Adapted from the source document.

Obálka -- Obsah -- Seznam zkratek -- Úvod Jaderná energie: (dnes nechtěná) technologie budoucnosti? -- 1. Jaderná energie jako klíčové německé politikum -- 1.1 Jaderná politika CDU/CSU od 70. let do Fukušimy -- 1.2 Strana Zelených a jaderná energie od vzniku strany po vstup do vlády -- 1.3 První odklon od jaderné energie: realizace -- 1.4 Revize prvního odklonu od jaderné energie a odklon druhý -- 2. Širší souvislosti německého odstoupení a jeho dopady -- 2.1 Současný stav a výhledy německé energetiky -- 2.2 Právní spory energetických koncernů po změnách v jaderné energetice SRN

The text explores various theoretical approaches to the concept of deterrence. It links deterrence with other strategies that utilize a threat of military action to achieve political goals. Furthermore, the difference between deterrence by punishment and deterrence by denial is highlighted in the article. To develop the debate further, the various roles of nuclear weapons in deterrence are examined, while four types of nuclear deterrence strategies - namely nuclear primacy, maximum assured destruction, minimum assured destruction, and automatic deterrence - are distinguished. The text shows the unique role of the strategy of nuclear primacy. This strategy relies on denial, while the conceptual foundations of the other three strategies lie in punishment, and it is well suited not only for deterrence, but also for compellence, as it eliminates mutuality from the deterrence relation. Adapted from the source document.

The present paper aims to compare the approaches of the Bush and Obama administrations towards the role of nuclear weapons in the United States security strategy. The author focuses on the Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) reports from 2001 and 2010, employing a detailed comparative analysis of their respective content as well as their implications. The analysis concentrates on broader conceptual issues as well as on the very concrete steps related to specific elements of the United States strategic arsenal. The author argues that the current political discourse, which attributes a nearly revolutionary character to the approach of the Obama administration to the United States nuclear policy, does not fully match the actual dimension of the change between the NPR of 2001 and that of 2010. In fact, the evolution of the United States nuclear strategy maintains its own dynamics in many aspects. Adapted from the source document.

Owing to the collapse of Cold War security systems, nuclear weapons proliferation remains an issue that attracts significant attention from scholars. The falling technological threshold for "rogue" states and increasing availability to terrorists keeps proliferation high on the scientific agenda (although the situation in the Czech Republic differs considerably). The pivotal point of the debate is theory. This paper introduces and critically discusses the most important theoretical approaches to nuclear weapons proliferation. The text successively examines theories based on technological determinants, external determinants, domestic determinants and last but not least alternative approaches that take into account concepts such as identity, beliefs and norms. The conclusion of the paper is that single-variable approaches to nuclear weapons proliferation are unable to offer appropriate explanations of the issue. Research should reflect the multivariable nature of the subject. Adapted from the source document.

Among the most important factors influencing the pre-war (not only Transatlantic) debate on Iraq were the close economic ties between Saddam Hussein's regime & those countries opposing military action against it. The most notable aspect of these links was the extensive arms trade. Analysis of Iraq's arms programs reveals that the most resolute opponents of military action against the Iraqi regime were those most extensively involved in arms deals with Iraq -- supplying Iraq with both weapons & weapons technologies. The Iraqi nuclear program received significant assistance from French & German firms. German firms were also among those helping Iraq with their chemical weapons programs. SCUD missiles -- key carriers for weapons of mass destruction -- were supplied by the USSR (later Russia), & their further refinement was mainly due to contributions by German experts. The main suppliers of conventional weapons to Iraq under Saddam Hussein were the USSR (later Russia), France, China, Czechoslovakia & Poland. Compared to this, the role played by the USA & United Kingdom in Iraq's arms programs (both for conventional weapons & weapons of mass destruction) was insignificant. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the Iranian motivations for building military nuclear programme. The motivations are analyzed through three models presented by Scott D. Sagan (1997): the security model, the domestic politics model and the norm model. These models are used in a competitive way. We claim that despite the fact that all the models are able to find certain motivations in the case of Iran, the security model is the best model in terms of applicability, but only when its weak aspects are overcome. Regarding the domestic politics model we were able to identify the structures (the Revolutionary Guards and scientists) which might have the greatest profit from Iran's nuclearization. However, other motivations within the political system are hardly found. From the perspective of the normative model we discuss the role of international and cultural norms in the context of the Iranian nuclear programme, and we especially discuss the image of modernity, nationalism and the double standard applied from the side of the Western countries in connection with this topic. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyses impacts of environmental regulation on Czech power system. We employ MESSAGE modelling platform to construct a dynamic linear optimisation energy model of the Czech power system. We analyse regulation impacts on fuel use and CO2 emission, fuel-mix and technology-mix, induced investment and fuel and other O&M costs to generate electricity over the period 2006-2030. Negative external costs attributable to endogenously determined new level of air quality pollutants are quantified to make our cost-benefit analysis more complex. Overall, effects of four policy scenarios are assessed, including subsidies for renewable energy, increase in air quality charge rates and an introduction of the EU ETS in the Czech power system. Based on our simulation, we find that prospected 10-fold increase in charging of air quality pollutant would not have any significant effect on emission and would not bring any stimuli for change in technology and fuel mixes. Subsidy to renewable energy would result in their development; however, larger effect would appear in far future and only if new nuclear power units are not allowed to build. Auctioned EUA, especially above Euro15 per tonne of CO2, would be the only effective instrument with significant effects on power sector. Key factor on CO2 emission is whether scenario consists of new nuclear power units or these units are banned. Our simulation results hold even if we allow the key model assumption to vary, except, the discount rate that would have effect on whether more-investment intensive technologies are used to generate electricity. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of the article is to provide readers with general information on nanotechnology & possibilities of its use, as well as to refer to some of its relevant security risks. The author currently mentions claims of some scientists & NGOs warning against possible misuse of nanotechnology due to the insufficient control over the research & the application. So far, less anticipated consequences of nanotechnology, converging with genetics, robotics, informatics & cognitive science, on all branches of the economy & social & other relations require that sufficient information should be given not only to the Czech experts but to general society as well. The real threat of the misuse of nanotechnology towards the research, development & the production of the new types of chemical, biological & nuclear weapons & other security risks increase that need. In spite of the long-term knowledge of nanotechnology, the possibilities of its use in a revolutionary way increased from 80th of the last century. It was due to the new types of microscopes enabling for the first time precise manipulation of the nanoscale particles. Results of nanoscale exploration are more & more visible eg., in various consumer products & according to the views of some scientific circles we could witness dramatic transformation of the economy in the near future. The article points out the rapid increase of spending on basic nanoscience research, growing number of governmental, private & multinational corporations & various national nanoinitiatives dealing with this kind of research & development, accepted mainly in the high-industrialized countries. In the article there are mentioned some reservations & concerns of the prominent American scientists & NGOs in association with the important goal of the nanotechnology research focused on the process of self-reproduction, self-repair & self-assembly. Various arms control & disarmament experts pay attention to the connections of the nanotechnological research with the possibility of production of the new types of nuclear weapons of the 4th generation. In conclusion the author expresses his view on the usefulness to create efficient system of the governmental & public control of this sphere of the scientific research & the need to devote sufficient attention by the appropriate officials & experts to the security aspects of nanotechnology. Adapted from the source document.