مشکلة العدد فی مصادر التاریخ الإسلامی خداع الرقم أم غلط الرواة؟! The problem of the number in the sources of Islamic history Deceit the number or wrong narrators?!
In: وقائع تاریخیة, Band 2022, Heft 2, S. 1-54
ISSN: 2682-471X
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In: وقائع تاریخیة, Band 2022, Heft 2, S. 1-54
ISSN: 2682-471X
The aim of this study is trying to interpret the crisis of legitimacy which faced the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, including the multiple legislative and executive bodies, based on specified theoretical perception is Crisis Theory for Jürgen Habermas, which he is trying to linking between the political system has legitimacy and its ability to overcome the different crises and challenges that faced, is a reliable perception in the case of Libya, in particular, every political party in the Libyan scene is consider himself the legal and legitimate representatives of the Libyan community, in light of political division and multiple parliamentary bodies and executive Governments in the country,the researcher adopted in this trying to analytical reading emphasize on specific points in many official and non-official studies and reports on the Libyan situation, study found that all successive political parties that topped the Libyan political scene form 2011, had failed to counter the various challenges whether security or constitutional, and were unable to manage the different crisis suffered by the Libyan citizen, specially economic, living and service, this place it in a real crisis of legitimacy at the level of society as a whole, in light of decrease what they have done in the past and what they can do in the future under the current situation, which contributed in create a case of distrust among the citizens in their programs and plans and lost motivation to participate in the various activities that they supervise on the one hand, and in increasing cases of disrespect for laws and decisions that represent their authority on the other hand,this leads us to say that the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, is faces a national crisis of legitimacy, accompanied by crises in motivation and non-normality, according to Habermas societal crisis theory, this is reflected in our reading of studies and reports that have been exposed to the Libyan crisis.
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يقوم نشاط الإدارة على أسلوبين مهمين، أحدهما انفرادي يتمثل في القرارات الإدارية، والآخر اتفاقي يتمثل في العقود الإدارية، وتتميز العقود الإدارية عن العقود التي يبرمها الأفراد في ما بينهم بأن الغاية من إبرامها تنظيم المرافق العامة وتسييرها وتحقيق النفع العام، وهذا يستتبع بالنتيجة امتداد آثار هذه العقود إلى غير أطرافها، سواءٌ أمِنَ المنتفعين بخدمات المرافق العامة كانوا أم غيرهم، ومن ثَمَّ تمتعهم ببعض الامتيازات والحقوق، وتحمّلهم بعض الأعباء والالتزامات. وأيًا كان السند القانوني الذي قدّمه الفقه الإداري لتبرير امتداد آثار العقد الإداري إلى الغير، سواء أنظرية الاشتراط لمصلحة الغير كان أم نظرية الطبيعة الذاتية للعقود الإدارية أم غيرها، فإن المتفق عليه أن الأعباء والالتزامات التي يتحمّلها الغير من العقود الإدارية ما هي إلا نتيجة طبيعية للامتيازات التي يتمتع بها المتعاقد مع الإدارة، التي مُنحت له لتمكينه من تنفيذ التزاماته على أكمل وجه، وبالآتي تحقيق المصلحة العامة. وقد تقرر تقسيم هذا البحث إلى ثلاثة مباحث رئيسة تناولنا في أولها الأساس القانوني لامتداد العقد الإداري إلى الغير، وتطرّقنا في ثانيها إلى الحقوق التي يستمدها الغير من العقد الإداري، أمّا ثالثها فكان عن الالتزامات التي يفرضها العقد الإداري تجاه الغي.، وفي خاتمة هذا البحث توصل الباحثون إلى عدة نتائج، من أهمها: عدم تطرق القوانين والتشريعات المنظمة لموضوع العقود الإدارية إلى إيراد نصوص تعالج بصورة واضحة وشاملة مسألة نسبية أثر العقد، ومدى سريانها على العقد الإداري، ومن أهم توصيات هذا البحث توسيع اختصاص القضاء الإداري في الأردن ليشمل النظر في جميع المنازعات الناشئة عن العقود الإدارية، وليس فقط البت في القرارات الإدارية القابلة للانفصال عن هذه العقود. ; The administration's activity is based on two important manners، one of which is the unilateral administrative decisions and the other is an agreement represent of administrative contracts. The administrative contracts are concluded by the individuals among themselves ; that the purpose of these agreements is to regulate the public utilities and to achieve public benefit which resulting extension of the effects of these contracts to third parties whether they are beneficiaries of the services of public utilities or others. Subsequently، they enjoy some privileges and rights as well as bearing some of the burdens and obligations. Whatever the legal basis provided by administrative jurisprudence to justify the extension of the effects of the administrative contract to third parties - whether the theory of the requirement for the benefit of third parties، or the theory of the self-nature of the administrative contracts، or else - it is agreed that the burdens and obligations borne by third parties due to the administrative contracts، which is only a natural outcome of the privileges enjoyed by the contractor with the administration، that granted to him to enable him to carry out his obligations to the fullest and thus، to achieve the public interest. This paper is divided into three main topics the first section dealt with the legal basis of extension of the effect of the administrative contract to third parties، the second section addressed the third parties` rights derived from the administrative contract، and the third section handled the obligations imposed by the administrative contract of third parties. In conclusion، the researchers reached to several findings، the most important of which is that the laws and regulations governing the subject of administrative contracts do not address with the inclusion of articles that clearly and comprehensively solve a matter of the relative effect of the contract and the extent of its validity on the administrative contract. In addition to the necessary recommendations، expand the jurisdiction of the administrative judiciary in Jordan to include consideration of all disputes arising out of administrative contracts، and not only to decide on the administrative decisions that are separate-able from these contracts.
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Many leaders of the country and leaders of the resistance and a large number of the people of Libya to migrate to neighboring countries because of the policy of fascist and arbitrary, and there are large Libyan communities in most of the neighboring countries of Libya, Italy has tried through its ambassadors and consuls to impose their authority on them, and despite all the difficulties and obstacles that have been exposed But the educated group of them was able to show their activity. The right time came for them when the Second World War took place on September 3, 1939, which Italy entered along with the Allied Powers on June 10, 1940. Meanwhile, political bodies and parties formed a central axis in the crystallization The national awareness of the importance of the Libyan cause and the independence of Libya both inside and outside the country, and the roots of the political struggle, and resulted in the outputs of the unity and independence of the country, despite the differences in ideologies and views among its members, and through this research we will highlight the most important bodies and political parties Which left its mark clear and clear on the Libyan arena, and the role played by the local level until the unity and independence of Libya, and the research will be divided into two axes, the first dealt with the most important bodies and political parties that were formed in the tenderness and Tripoli and Fezan, In its role in spreading national awareness at home, and a conclusion to the main findings of the research and the list of sources and references.
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Intro -- فهرس المحتويات -- أولاً : الخلفية التاريخية -- ثانيا ً: الموقف اللبناني من حقوق اللاجئين الفلسطينيين في لبنان -- ثالثاً : الدور الفلسطيني في الدفاع عن حقوق اللاجئين الفلسطينيين في لبنان -- رابعاً : الموقف العربي والدولي من حقوق اللاجئين الفلسطينيين في لبنان -- الهوامش
In: Finance & Development v.Volume 47, No. 1
Prize or Penalty: When Sports Help Economies Score"" looks at why countries vie to host the world's most costly sporting events. And, in a series of articles on ""After the Crisis,"" we discuss why some countries were hit harder than others; how were shocks transmitted round the world, and whether protectionist pressures might intensify in 2010. As usual, we take on a number of hot topics, including housing prices, bankers' bonuses, Ponzi schemes, and inflation targeting. In ""Picture This"" we see that the number of hungry is on the rise, topping 1 billion. Our regular ""People in Economics
تعد المدة بين1954- 1958 من اكثر المراحل ديمقراطية في سورية, حيث عادت الحياة الدستورية الى البلاد ومارس الشعب الانتخابات لاختيار مجلس النواب, ومارس مجلس النواب والاحزاب دورهم في ادارة البلاد وتشكيل حكومة تجمع وطني جمعت كافة الاحزاب الوطنية والقومية والمستقلين, ووقفت سورية ضد الاحلاف الاجنبية لاسيما حلف بغداد, وساندت مصر في احداث السويس وسعت الى الاتحاد مع مصر 1958. تألف البحث من مقدمة وثلاثة مباحث وخاتمة, درس المبحث الاول التوجه نحو الديمقراطية والحياة الدستورية , وتناول المبحث الثاني التجمع القومي, وعالج المبحث الثالث الوحدة السورية المصرية 1958. ; The period between 1954- 1958 was more times democracy inSyria where comeback the constitutionality life for the country and practiced the people elections toselct the house of representatives, And practiced the parliament and parties their role in the management of the country and forming government national congregation collected all parties national and nationalism and independent, and stood Syria against the foreign alliances in particular the treaty of Baghdad, and supported Egypt in events of the Suez and sought to the union with Egypt 1958, and consisted the research of introduction and three sections and conclusion ,studied the first section orientation to democracy and the constitutionality life, studied the second ascend section the nationalist congregation, and displayed the third section the unity Syrian Egyptian 1958.
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In: Bibliotheca Islamica
Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl al-Thaʿālibī was a poet, critic, lexicographer, historian of literature, prolific scholar, and one of the most important literary figures in the tenth-eleventh centuries. This work of his entitled Khāṣṣ al-khāṣṣ fī l-amthāl is a collection of proverbs and their equivalents in a number of cultures and professions.
The relations between Germany and Qatar look so good in various fields in spite of the non-existence of the deep historical roots between the two parties. Today these relations are characterized by many basics and motivations that pave the way to the recent positive format, as well as the underlying important driver of these diverse interests, which provides real opportunities to convergence of visions and goals in more than one direction. As Qatar is considered as a vital strategic partner to Germany in the region due to its economic assets and geopolitical status, Germany at the same time has a further importance to Qatar. The study is based on the basics of the diverse interests owned by the both sides. These diverse interests could be starting point for forward looking that is reliable to the continued presence of Germany, which could be positively reflected on the present and future relationship.
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This study is about the non-governmental Syrian position held by the parliament, parties and other people powers towards the Greater Syria Plan endeavored by King Abdullah I bin Al Hussein during the fourth decade of the twentieth century, aiming at unity of Natural Syria and integration of its four regions (Jordan, North Syria, Palestine and Lebanon) within one state. The original documentary recourses reviewed revealed divergence between the position held by the Syrian people and that of their government. While then Syrian government departing from self-interest of the statesmen, and in compliance of the tendency of both the patronizing Francis government, and some Arab governments declared fierce opposition to the plan, there was great acceptance and support of the Greater Syria Plan and King Abdullah's endeavors for unity among most Syrian people communities and other representative Syrian currents on the ground of their believe in the unity of the Shamite Regions, as a basis on which to achieve the country's best interest, as a first step towards Pan-Arabism and one best choice to cope with the Zionistic threats.
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This research shed lights on the strategic impact of the regulatory factors on the administrative decision in the period from 2006 to 2016 - an applied study on Jordan Phosphate Company. The study focused mainly on observations and questionnaire. The questionnaire included personal data and statements dealing with organizational factors and administrative decision. The most important results are: The regulations and instructions helped to develop the administrative decision of Jordan Phosphate Company, and the process of administrative authorization within the Jordan Phosphate Company helped to achieve efficiency and good performance. In the light of the results, a number of recommendations were made, including: the need to take into account the internal and external factors so as not to adversely affect the process of administrative decision-making, the use of experts in the field of administrative decision-making to solve problems in the Jordanian Phosphate Company and raise the efficiency of performance, besides the attention to remove the obstacles that limit the participation of employees in Jordan Phosphate in administrative decision-making.
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After getting rid of ISIL's military presence in Iraq, the problem of having a strategic vision in recruiting the PMF strengthened national security. In addition to the internal and external challenges that do not agree on a unified vision about these forces, which now has a law and regulation governing its work. In light of these changes, a vision is formed of the possibilities of employing these forces and making them an independent institution linked to the commander in chief of the Iraqi armed forces while preserving their national identity. The study was divided into two major parts. The first included the political and doctrinal dimensions of issuing the fatwa of jihad and the stage that witnessed the establishment of Hashed al-Shaabi. The second part included the strategic vision of employing Hashed al-Shaabi in a post- ISIL period. This part dealt with the obstacles to the strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi. Internal obstacles such as terrorism, political sectarianism and administrative corruption. The external obstacles dealt with the positions of some international and regional forces toward Hashed al-Shaabi and It's relationship with Iran. The last part discussed the possibilities of strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi in Iraq. The study relied on a number of references that dealt with the subject of Hashed al-Shaabi in several languages, such as books, analysis of research centers and academic articles for specialized researchers and media such as newspapers and television. In addition to the laws and decisions of the Iraqi government issued about Hashed al-Shaabi.
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النظام الداخلي للبرلمان هي الأداة التي تنظم عملالبرلمانوتحدد العلاقة بينه و بي السلطات الأخرى للدولة، وكذلك ترسم الطريق الذي يتعين على النائب أن يسلكه لأداء دوره في الرقابة والتشريع. وأن مبررات وضرورات وضع الانظمة الداخلية تكمن في ثلاثة ضروريات تشريعية وتنظيمية، وكذلك أنها ضرورة ملحة لحماية الاقليات البرلمانية. وهناك ثلاث طرق لإصدار الانظمة الداخلية للبرلمان، وأن المجالس التشريعية هي صاحبة الاختصاص الاصلي في وضع لوائحها الداخلية، ومبرر ذلك يرجع الى العمل بمبدأ الفصل بين السلطات وإستقلال البرلمان عن السلطات الاخرى. وأن النظام الداخلي لا تقتصر أهميتها على تنظيم المسائل الشكلية أو الاجرائية بل يمكن أن تمس كذلك المسائل الموضوعية فتقوم بتكملة النصوص الدستورية فيما يتعلق بمجال الاختصاص البرلماني. ورغم إختلاف الظروف السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية لظهور البرلمان في كل من دول موضوع المقارنة فيما يخص التنظيم الداخلي للبرلمان، الا أن هناك نقاط يجمعهم ونقاط يفرقهم مثل طريقة تكوين البرلمان وكيفية إنتخاب رئيس البرلمان في الدول الاربعة. وأن أللجان البرلمانية لها دور محوري في عمل كل البرلمانات الاربعة موضوع المقارنة، لكن التقاليد البرلمانية تختلف بين الدول وكذلك ثبوتية عدد أعضاء البرلمانات. ; The rules of procedure of the Parliament are the tools that regulate the work of Parliament and determine the relationship between it and the other authorities of the country, they also chart the path that the MP must take to perform his role in the censorship and legislation. And that the justification and necessity of the development of internal regulations lies in three legislative and regulatory requirements, as well as an urgent need to protect parliamentary minorities. There are three ways to issue the internal regulations of the Parliament. The legislative councils have the original jurisdiction to make their own internal regulations. This is justified by the principle of separation of powers and the independence of parliament from other authorities. And that the rules of procedure had a significant impact on the functioning of the Parliament, not only on the organization of formal or procedural matters but also on substantive issues, complementing the constitutional texts in respect of parliamentary jurisdiction. Despite the different political, social and economic conditions of the emergence of the parliament in each of the countries of comparison in terms of the internal organization of the parliament, but there are Points in common and points divides them, like the way the parliament is formed and how the speaker of parliament is elected in the four countries is different. And the parliamentary committees have a central role in the work of all four parliaments. The subject of comparison is different, but parliamentary traditions vary among countries, as does the number of members of parliaments
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