Suchergebnisse

The aim of this study is trying to interpret the crisis of legitimacy which faced the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, including the multiple legislative and executive bodies, based on specified theoretical perception is Crisis Theory for Jürgen Habermas, which he is trying to linking between the political system has legitimacy and its ability to overcome the different crises and challenges that faced, is a reliable perception in the case of Libya, in particular, every political party in the Libyan scene is consider himself the legal and legitimate representatives of the Libyan community, in light of political division and multiple parliamentary bodies and executive Governments in the country,the researcher adopted in this trying to analytical reading emphasize on specific points in many official and non-official studies and reports on the Libyan situation, study found that all successive political parties that topped the Libyan political scene form 2011, had failed to counter the various challenges whether security or constitutional, and were unable to manage the different crisis suffered by the Libyan citizen, specially economic, living and service, this place it in a real crisis of legitimacy at the level of society as a whole, in light of decrease what they have done in the past and what they can do in the future under the current situation, which contributed in create a case of distrust among the citizens in their programs and plans and lost motivation to participate in the various activities that they supervise on the one hand, and in increasing cases of disrespect for laws and decisions that represent their authority on the other hand,this leads us to say that the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, is faces a national crisis of legitimacy, accompanied by crises in motivation and non-normality, according to Habermas societal crisis theory, this is reflected in our reading of studies and reports that have been exposed to the Libyan crisis.

يقوم نشاط الإدارة على أسلوبين مهمين، أحدهما انفرادي يتمثل في القرارات الإدارية، والآخر اتفاقي يتمثل في العقود الإدارية، وتتميز العقود الإدارية عن العقود التي يبرمها الأفراد في ما بينهم بأن الغاية من إبرامها تنظيم المرافق العامة وتسييرها وتحقيق النفع العام، وهذا يستتبع بالنتيجة امتداد آثار هذه العقود إلى غير أطرافها، سواءٌ أمِنَ المنتفعين بخدمات المرافق العامة كانوا أم غيرهم، ومن ثَمَّ تمتعهم ببعض الامتيازات والحقوق، وتحمّلهم بعض الأعباء والالتزامات. وأيًا كان السند القانوني الذي قدّمه الفقه الإداري لتبرير امتداد آثار العقد الإداري إلى الغير، سواء أنظرية الاشتراط لمصلحة الغير كان أم نظرية الطبيعة الذاتية للعقود الإدارية أم غيرها، فإن المتفق عليه أن الأعباء والالتزامات التي يتحمّلها الغير من العقود الإدارية ما هي إلا نتيجة طبيعية للامتيازات التي يتمتع بها المتعاقد مع الإدارة، التي مُنحت له لتمكينه من تنفيذ التزاماته على أكمل وجه، وبالآتي تحقيق المصلحة العامة. وقد تقرر تقسيم هذا البحث إلى ثلاثة مباحث رئيسة تناولنا في أولها الأساس القانوني لامتداد العقد الإداري إلى الغير، وتطرّقنا في ثانيها إلى الحقوق التي يستمدها الغير من العقد الإداري، أمّا ثالثها فكان عن الالتزامات التي يفرضها العقد الإداري تجاه الغي.، وفي خاتمة هذا البحث توصل الباحثون إلى عدة نتائج، من أهمها: عدم تطرق القوانين والتشريعات المنظمة لموضوع العقود الإدارية إلى إيراد نصوص تعالج بصورة واضحة وشاملة مسألة نسبية أثر العقد، ومدى سريانها على العقد الإداري، ومن أهم توصيات هذا البحث توسيع اختصاص القضاء الإداري في الأردن ليشمل النظر في جميع المنازعات الناشئة عن العقود الإدارية، وليس فقط البت في القرارات الإدارية القابلة للانفصال عن هذه العقود. ; The administration's activity is based on two important manners، one of which is the unilateral administrative decisions and the other is an agreement represent of administrative contracts. The administrative contracts are concluded by the individuals among themselves ; that the purpose of these agreements is to regulate the public utilities and to achieve public benefit which resulting extension of the effects of these contracts to third parties whether they are beneficiaries of the services of public utilities or others. Subsequently، they enjoy some privileges and rights as well as bearing some of the burdens and obligations. Whatever the legal basis provided by administrative jurisprudence to justify the extension of the effects of the administrative contract to third parties - whether the theory of the requirement for the benefit of third parties، or the theory of the self-nature of the administrative contracts، or else - it is agreed that the burdens and obligations borne by third parties due to the administrative contracts، which is only a natural outcome of the privileges enjoyed by the contractor with the administration، that granted to him to enable him to carry out his obligations to the fullest and thus، to achieve the public interest. This paper is divided into three main topics the first section dealt with the legal basis of extension of the effect of the administrative contract to third parties، the second section addressed the third parties` rights derived from the administrative contract، and the third section handled the obligations imposed by the administrative contract of third parties. In conclusion، the researchers reached to several findings، the most important of which is that the laws and regulations governing the subject of administrative contracts do not address with the inclusion of articles that clearly and comprehensively solve a matter of the relative effect of the contract and the extent of its validity on the administrative contract. In addition to the necessary recommendations، expand the jurisdiction of the administrative judiciary in Jordan to include consideration of all disputes arising out of administrative contracts، and not only to decide on the administrative decisions that are separate-able from these contracts.

Many leaders of the country and leaders of the resistance and a large number of the people of Libya to migrate to neighboring countries because of the policy of fascist and arbitrary, and there are large Libyan communities in most of the neighboring countries of Libya, Italy has tried through its ambassadors and consuls to impose their authority on them, and despite all the difficulties and obstacles that have been exposed But the educated group of them was able to show their activity. The right time came for them when the Second World War took place on September 3, 1939, which Italy entered along with the Allied Powers on June 10, 1940. Meanwhile, political bodies and parties formed a central axis in the crystallization The national awareness of the importance of the Libyan cause and the independence of Libya both inside and outside the country, and the roots of the political struggle, and resulted in the outputs of the unity and independence of the country, despite the differences in ideologies and views among its members, and through this research we will highlight the most important bodies and political parties Which left its mark clear and clear on the Libyan arena, and the role played by the local level until the unity and independence of Libya, and the research will be divided into two axes, the first dealt with the most important bodies and political parties that were formed in the tenderness and Tripoli and Fezan, In its role in spreading national awareness at home, and a conclusion to the main findings of the research and the list of sources and references.

تعد المدة بين1954- 1958 من اكثر المراحل ديمقراطية في سورية, حيث عادت الحياة الدستورية الى البلاد ومارس الشعب الانتخابات لاختيار مجلس النواب, ومارس مجلس النواب والاحزاب دورهم في ادارة البلاد وتشكيل حكومة تجمع وطني جمعت كافة الاحزاب الوطنية والقومية والمستقلين, ووقفت سورية ضد الاحلاف الاجنبية لاسيما حلف بغداد, وساندت مصر في احداث السويس وسعت الى الاتحاد مع مصر 1958. تألف البحث من مقدمة وثلاثة مباحث وخاتمة, درس المبحث الاول التوجه نحو الديمقراطية والحياة الدستورية , وتناول المبحث الثاني التجمع القومي, وعالج المبحث الثالث الوحدة السورية المصرية 1958. ; The period between 1954- 1958 was more times democracy inSyria where comeback the constitutionality life for the country and practiced the people elections toselct the house of representatives, And practiced the parliament and parties their role in the management of the country and forming government national congregation collected all parties national and nationalism and independent, and stood Syria against the foreign alliances in particular the treaty of Baghdad, and supported Egypt in events of the Suez and sought to the union with Egypt 1958, and consisted the research of introduction and three sections and conclusion ,studied the first section orientation to democracy and the constitutionality life, studied the second ascend section the nationalist congregation, and displayed the third section the unity Syrian Egyptian 1958.

The relations between Germany and Qatar look so good in various fields in spite of the non-existence of the deep historical roots between the two parties. Today these relations are characterized by many basics and motivations that pave the way to the recent positive format, as well as the underlying important driver of these diverse interests, which provides real opportunities to convergence of visions and goals in more than one direction. As Qatar is considered as a vital strategic partner to Germany in the region due to its economic assets and geopolitical status, Germany at the same time has a further importance to Qatar. The study is based on the basics of the diverse interests owned by the both sides. These diverse interests could be starting point for forward looking that is reliable to the continued presence of Germany, which could be positively reflected on the present and future relationship.

This study is about the non-governmental Syrian position held by the parliament, parties and other people powers towards the Greater Syria Plan endeavored by King Abdullah I bin Al Hussein during the fourth decade of the twentieth century, aiming at unity of Natural Syria and integration of its four regions (Jordan, North Syria, Palestine and Lebanon) within one state. The original documentary recourses reviewed revealed divergence between the position held by the Syrian people and that of their government. While then Syrian government departing from self-interest of the statesmen, and in compliance of the tendency of both the patronizing Francis government, and some Arab governments declared fierce opposition to the plan, there was great acceptance and support of the Greater Syria Plan and King Abdullah's endeavors for unity among most Syrian people communities and other representative Syrian currents on the ground of their believe in the unity of the Shamite Regions, as a basis on which to achieve the country's best interest, as a first step towards Pan-Arabism and one best choice to cope with the Zionistic threats.

This research shed lights on the strategic impact of the regulatory factors on the administrative decision in the period from 2006 to 2016 - an applied study on Jordan Phosphate Company. The study focused mainly on observations and questionnaire. The questionnaire included personal data and statements dealing with organizational factors and administrative decision. The most important results are: The regulations and instructions helped to develop the administrative decision of Jordan Phosphate Company, and the process of administrative authorization within the Jordan Phosphate Company helped to achieve efficiency and good performance. In the light of the results, a number of recommendations were made, including: the need to take into account the internal and external factors so as not to adversely affect the process of administrative decision-making, the use of experts in the field of administrative decision-making to solve problems in the Jordanian Phosphate Company and raise the efficiency of performance, besides the attention to remove the obstacles that limit the participation of employees in Jordan Phosphate in administrative decision-making.

After getting rid of ISIL's military presence in Iraq, the problem of having a strategic vision in recruiting the PMF strengthened national security. In addition to the internal and external challenges that do not agree on a unified vision about these forces, which now has a law and regulation governing its work. In light of these changes, a vision is formed of the possibilities of employing these forces and making them an independent institution linked to the commander in chief of the Iraqi armed forces while preserving their national identity. The study was divided into two major parts. The first included the political and doctrinal dimensions of issuing the fatwa of jihad and the stage that witnessed the establishment of Hashed al-Shaabi. The second part included the strategic vision of employing Hashed al-Shaabi in a post- ISIL period. This part dealt with the obstacles to the strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi. Internal obstacles such as terrorism, political sectarianism and administrative corruption. The external obstacles dealt with the positions of some international and regional forces toward Hashed al-Shaabi and It's relationship with Iran. The last part discussed the possibilities of strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi in Iraq. The study relied on a number of references that dealt with the subject of Hashed al-Shaabi in several languages, such as books, analysis of research centers and academic articles for specialized researchers and media such as newspapers and television. In addition to the laws and decisions of the Iraqi government issued about Hashed al-Shaabi.

النظام الداخلي للبرلمان هي الأداة التي تنظم عملالبرلمانوتحدد العلاقة بينه و بي السلطات الأخرى للدولة، وكذلك ترسم الطريق الذي يتعين على النائب أن يسلكه لأداء دوره في الرقابة والتشريع. وأن مبررات وضرورات وضع الانظمة الداخلية تكمن في ثلاثة ضروريات تشريعية وتنظيمية، وكذلك أنها ضرورة ملحة لحماية الاقليات البرلمانية. وهناك ثلاث طرق لإصدار الانظمة الداخلية للبرلمان، وأن المجالس التشريعية هي صاحبة الاختصاص الاصلي في وضع لوائحها الداخلية، ومبرر ذلك يرجع الى العمل بمبدأ الفصل بين السلطات وإستقلال البرلمان عن السلطات الاخرى. وأن النظام الداخلي لا تقتصر أهميتها على تنظيم المسائل الشكلية أو الاجرائية بل يمكن أن تمس كذلك المسائل الموضوعية فتقوم بتكملة النصوص الدستورية فيما يتعلق بمجال الاختصاص البرلماني. ورغم إختلاف الظروف السياسية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية لظهور البرلمان في كل من دول موضوع المقارنة فيما يخص التنظيم الداخلي للبرلمان، الا أن هناك نقاط يجمعهم ونقاط يفرقهم مثل طريقة تكوين البرلمان وكيفية إنتخاب رئيس البرلمان في الدول الاربعة. وأن أللجان البرلمانية لها دور محوري في عمل كل البرلمانات الاربعة موضوع المقارنة، لكن التقاليد البرلمانية تختلف بين الدول وكذلك ثبوتية عدد أعضاء البرلمانات. ; The rules of procedure of the Parliament are the tools that regulate the work of Parliament and determine the relationship between it and the other authorities of the country, they also chart the path that the MP must take to perform his role in the censorship and legislation. And that the justification and necessity of the development of internal regulations lies in three legislative and regulatory requirements, as well as an urgent need to protect parliamentary minorities. There are three ways to issue the internal regulations of the Parliament. The legislative councils have the original jurisdiction to make their own internal regulations. This is justified by the principle of separation of powers and the independence of parliament from other authorities. And that the rules of procedure had a significant impact on the functioning of the Parliament, not only on the organization of formal or procedural matters but also on substantive issues, complementing the constitutional texts in respect of parliamentary jurisdiction. Despite the different political, social and economic conditions of the emergence of the parliament in each of the countries of comparison in terms of the internal organization of the parliament, but there are Points in common and points divides them, like the way the parliament is formed and how the speaker of parliament is elected in the four countries is different. And the parliamentary committees have a central role in the work of all four parliaments. The subject of comparison is different, but parliamentary traditions vary among countries, as does the number of members of parliaments

The Nancy N. Boothe papers, 1980-2009 [bulk 1990-1997], are composed of articles, notes, reports and a wide variety of feminist publications. Much of the material documents the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women, which Ms. Boothe attended as Executive Director of Atlanta's Feminist Women's Health Center. Artifacts, artwork and textiles relate to the conference and to other women's and health issues. ; Born in Battles Wharf, Alabama (1948), Nancy N. Boothe graduated from the University of South Alabama as a registered nurse (1971). She received a B.S. in nursing from the Medical College of Georgia (1976), and a master's degree in Counseling from Troy State University [Florida Region] (1981). Boothe served in the U.S. Nurse Corps in the U.S. and Korea (1970-1984), and worked as clinical director and consultant at a number of health facilities in Louisiana and Florida. She became Executive Director of the Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center in 1994. In 1995, she attended the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, where she taught the workshop, ""GYN Self-Help."" Boothe has served on the boards of All Women's Health Services in Portland and Eugene, Oregon; the Sexual Assault Center, Atlanta, Georgia; and the Jeanette Rankin Foundation, Athens, Georgia. She is also a member of the Feminist Majority Foundation's ""Women's Commission for Congressional Oversight"" and A.P.D. Citizen Review Panel.; Founded in California in 1971 by Carol Downer (1933-) and Lorraine Rothman (1932-2007), the Feminist Women's Health Center was established to empower women through self-knowledge, education and self-help groups. The Atlanta Feminist Women's Health Center was established in 1977. Its mission is to ""provide accessible, comprehensive gynecological healthcare to all who need it without judgment. As innovative healthcare leaders, [they] work collaboratively within [their] community and nationally to promote reproductive health, rights and justice. [They] advocate for wellness, uncensored health information and fair public policies by educating the larger community and empowering [their] clients to make their own decisions.""; The United Nations convened the Fourth World Conference on Women, September 4-15, 1995, in Beijing, China, with a Platform for Action that aimed at achieving greater equality and opportunity for women. Three previous World Conferences were held in Mexico City (International Women's Year, 1975), Copenhagen (1980) and Nairobi (1985). 189 governments and more than 5,000 representatives from 2,100 non-governmental organizations participated in the Beijing Conference. The principal themes were the advancement and empowerment of women in relation to women's human rights, women and poverty, women and decision-making, the girl-child, violence against women and other areas of concern. The resulting documents of the Conference are The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. The U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women manifested a global women's movement for change and has been called ""the Woodstock of the women's movement.""; The World Conference on Women was also accompanied by an informal meeting (August 30-September 8) of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This NGO Forum on Women, Beijing '95, brought together thousands of women from around the world to exchange information and ideas, celebrate women's achievements and contributions and draw attention and develop solutions to discrimination facing women world-wide.

Göçmen ve Mülteci Kadınlar için Fiziksel Aktivite Rehberi, Hacettepe Üniversitesi Bilimsel Araştırma Projeleri Koordinasyon Birimi tarafından desteklenen "Türkiye'de Yaşayan Suriyeli Göçmen Kadınların Güçlenmelerinde ve Toplumsal Entegrasyonunda Bir Sosyal Politika Aracı Olarak Fiziksel Aktivitenin Kullanılması" isimli araştırma projesi kapsamında hazırlanmıştır. Projede, mülteci kadınların güçlenmelerinde ve sosyal uyumun sağlanmasında fiziksel aktivite bir araç olarak kullanılmıştır. Projenin birinci basamağında Suriyeli mülteci kadınların fiziksel aktivite düzeyi kültürleşme bağlamında incelenmiştir. Projenin ikinci basamağında, Suriyeli, Afganistanlı, Iraklı ve Türkiyeli kadınlardan oluşan 25 kişilik bir grupla 12 haftalık fiziksel aktivite programı uygulanmıştır. Sosyal uyumu hedefleyen bu uygulama sonrasında elde edilen bulgular ve deneyimler doğrultusunda, mülteci kadınlar için geliştirilecek bir fiziksel aktivite programının kavramsal çerçevesini, hedeflerini ve pedagojik ilkelerini içeren bir rehber kitap hazırlanmıştır. Geçtiğimiz on yılda artan göç oranları, birçok göç edilen ülkede göç ve toplumsal bütünleşme politikaları konusundaki tartışmaları hızlandırmıştır. Dünyada Suriyeli mülteci sayısının en fazla olduğu Türkiye'de, Suriyeli ve son zamanlarda Afganistanlı ve Iraklı mültecilerin sosyal uyumuna yönelik çeşitli araştırma verilerine dayalı politikalar üretilmektir. Bu politikalara dayanak olan bilimsel araştırma verileri, fiziksel aktivite ve sporun göçmen ve mülteci bireylerin yaşamlarına olumlu katkılarını ortaya koyarken, göçmenlerle ve mültecilerle ilgili politikaları geliştiren uluslararası kurumlar tarafından fiziksel aktivite ve sporun birleştirici gücü vurgulanmaktadır. 2016-2018 yılları arasında Avrupa Birliği Komisyonu, Avrupa Birliği üye ülkelerdeki mültecilerin iyi olma hali ve sosyal uyumlarını artırmak için fiziksel aktivite ve spor fırsatları sunan yaklaşık 3 milyon Avro tutarındaki 54 projeyi desteklemiştir. Birleşmiş Milletler 2030 Sürdürülebilir Kalkınma Amaçlarının "Toplumsal Cinsiyet Eşitliği" başlıklı 5. Maddesi kapsamında kadınların her seviyede güçlenmesi ve kadına yönelik her türlü istismarı kapsayan şiddetin ortadan kaldırılması gerekmektedir. Göçmen ve Mülteci Kadınlar İçin Fiziksel Aktivite Rehberi, hedefleri itibariyle Türkiye'de yaşayan mülteci kadınların fiziksel, psikolojik, sosyal ve kültürel güçlenmelerinde bir sosyal politika aracı olarak fiziksel aktivitenin kullanımına örnektir. Kadının güçlenmesini hedefleyen bilimsel araştırmalarda ve sosyal sorumluluk projelerinde yararlanılabilecek nitelikte bir rehberdir. Rehberin Türkçe, Arapça ve İngilizce dillerinde yazılmış olması, bilgilerin doğrudan göçmen ve mülteci kadınlar tarafından erişilebilir olmasını sağlamaktadır. Ayrıca, uluslararası platformlar için de kullanılabilir bir uluslararası rehber niteliği de taşımaktadır. Proje faaliyetlerinin gerçekleştirilmesinde hep birlikte çalıştığımız katılımcılara, eğitmenlere, gönüllülere, kurum çalışanlarına ve yöneticilere çok teşekkür ederiz. Birlikte hareket ettiğimiz, birlikte dans ettiğimiz, farklılıkları ve benzerlikleriyle kültürlerimizi, gündelik yaşamlarımızı paylaştığımız ve birlikte güçlendiğimiz projemizin, benzer hedeflerdeki çalışmalara rehberlik yapabilmesini umuyoruz. ; Physical Activity Program Guide for Migrant and Refugee Women was prepared within the scope of the Project titled "Using Physical Activity as a Social Policy Tool in the Empowerment and Social Integration of Syrian Migrant Women Living in Turkey", supported by Hacettepe University Scientific Research Projects Coordination Unit. In the project, physical activity is used as a tool in empowering refugee women and ensuring social integration. In the first phase of the project, physical activity levels of Syrian refugee women were investigated with regard to acculturation. In the second phase of the project, a 12-week physical activity program was implemented in a group consisting of 25 Syrian, Afghan, Iraqi and Turkish women. In accordance with the findings and the experiences obtained as a result of this physical activity intervention aimed at social integration, The Physical Activity Guide for Migrant and Refugee Women was developed. Increasing rates of migration in the last decade have accelerated debates about migration and social integration policies in many countries. In Turkey, where the number of Syrian refugees is the highest in the world, policies are being made based on various research data regarding the social integration of Syrian and, more recently, Afghan and Iraqi refugees. Not enough importance has been ascribed to sport and physical activity in these policies yet. However, while data from scientific research exhibit favourable impacts of physical activity and sport on the lives of migrant and refugee individuals, the unifying power of physical activity and sport is emphasised by international organizations. Between 2016 and 2018, the European Commission supported 54 projects, totalling a sum of approximately 3 million Euros, offering physical activity and sport opportunities to improve the well-being and social engagement of refugees in the European Union member states. Within the scope of Article 5 of the United Nations (UN) 2030 Sustainable Development Goals, titled "Promoting Gender Equality", it is required to ensure women's empowerment at all levels and to eliminate violence including all forms of abuse against women. The Physical Activity Guide for Migrant and Refugee Women, with regard to its objectives, is a model for the use of physical activity as a social policy tool in the physical, mental and social empowerment of refugee women living in Turkey. It is a guide that can be used in academic studies and social responsibility projects aimed at women's empowerment within the scope of UN Goals. The availability of the guide in Turkish, Arabic, and English languages makes the information directly accessible to migrant and refugee women. Moreover, it features as an international guide available to international platforms. We would like to thank the participants, trainers, volunteers, staff and managers with whom we work together in the realization of project activities. We moved together, danced together, we shared our cultures, our daily lives. We embraced our differences and similarities and became empowered together. We hope that our project will be able to guide work with similar goals. ; ‫"‬ ‫بـ‬ ‫الموسوم‬ ‫البحثي‬ ‫المشروع‬ ‫نطاق‬ ‫ضمن‬ ‫د‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫أُع‬ ‫الالجئة‪،‬‬ ‫و‬ ‫المهاجرة‬ ‫للمرأة‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫النشاط‬ ‫دليل‬ ‫إن‬ ‫و‬ ‫المرأة‬ ‫لتمكين‬ ‫اجتماعية‬ ‫سياسة‬ ‫كأداة‬ ‫استعمالها‬ ‫و‬ ‫الالجئة‬ ‫السورية‬ ‫للمرأة‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫النشاط‬ ‫ممارسة‬ ‫هاجات‬ ‫بجامعة‬ ‫العلمية‬ ‫البحثية‬ ‫المشاريع‬ ‫تنسيق‬ ‫قسم‬ ‫قبل‬ ‫من‬ ‫المدعوم‬ ‫و‬ ‫االجتماعي"‬ ‫إندماجها‬ ‫تعزيز‬ ‫االجتماعي‪.‬‬ ‫التماسك‬ ‫ضمان‬ ‫و‬ ‫الالجئات‬ ‫لتعزيز‬ ‫كأداة‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫النشاط‬ ‫استخدام‬ ‫المشروع‪،‬‬ ‫في‬ ‫تم‬ ‫تبة‪.‬‬ ‫في‬ ‫السوريات‬ ‫الالجئات‬ ‫للنساء‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫النشاط‬ ‫مستوى‬ ‫فحص‬ ‫تم‬ ‫المشروع‪،‬‬ ‫من‬ ‫األولى‬ ‫الخطوة‬ ‫في‬ ‫‪12‬‬ ‫لمدة‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫النشاط‬ ‫برنامج‬ ‫تنفيذ‬ ‫تم‬ ‫المشروع‪،‬‬ ‫من‬ ‫الثانية‬ ‫الخطوة‬ ‫في‬ ‫الثقافي‪.‬‬ ‫التمازج‬ ‫سياق‬ ‫و‬ ‫التركية‪.‬‬ ‫كذلك‬ ‫و‬ ‫العراقية‬ ‫األفغانية‪،‬‬ ‫السورية‪،‬‬ ‫القومية‬ ‫من‬ ‫امرأة‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫من‬ ‫مؤلفة‬ ‫لمجموعة‬ ‫ً‬ ‫أسبوعا‬ ‫إعداد‬ ‫تم‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫االجتماعي‬ ‫التماسك‬ ‫تستهدف‬ ‫التي‬ ‫الفعالية‬ ‫هذه‬ ‫بعد‬ ‫المكتسبة‬ ‫الخبرات‬ ‫و‬ ‫النتائج‬ ‫مع‬ ‫ً‬ ‫تمشيا‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫النشاط‬ ‫لبرنامج‬ ‫التربوية‬ ‫المبادئ‬ ‫و‬ ‫األهداف‬ ‫و‬ ‫المفاهيمي‬ ‫اإلطار‬ ‫على‬ ‫يحتوي‬ ‫إرشادي‬ ‫دليل‬ ‫الالجئات‬ ‫تلك‬ ‫أجل‬ ‫من‬ ‫تطويره‬ ‫سيتم‬ ‫‪.‬الذي‬ ‫االندماج‬ ‫و‬ ‫الهجرة‬ ‫سياسات‬ ‫حول‬ ‫النقاش‬ ‫تسريع‬ ‫إلى‬ ‫الماضي‬ ‫العقد‬ ‫في‬ ‫المتزايدة‬ ‫الهجرة‬ ‫معدالت‬ ‫أدت‬ ‫عدد‬ ‫أقصى‬ ‫فيها‬ ‫بلغ‬ ‫حيث‬ ‫أيضاً‪،‬‬ ‫تركيا‬ ‫في‬ ‫و‬ ‫العالم‬ ‫ففي‬ ‫المهاجرة‪.‬‬ ‫البلدان‬ ‫من‬ ‫العديد‬ ‫في‬ ‫االجتماعي‬ ‫البحثية‬ ‫البيانات‬ ‫على‬ ‫المبنية‬ ‫المختلفة‬ ‫السياسات‬ ‫من‬ ‫الكثير‬ ‫إعداد‬ ‫يتم‬ ‫العالم‪،‬‬ ‫في‬ ‫السوريين‬ ‫الالجئين‬ ‫من‬ ‫العراق‪.‬‬ ‫من‬ ‫ً‬ ‫مؤخرا‬ ‫و‬ ‫أفغانستان‬ ‫سوريا‪،‬‬ ‫من‬ ‫القادمين‬ ‫الالجئين‬ ‫لهؤالء‬ ‫االجتماعي‬ ‫االندماج‬ ‫تحقيق‬ ‫بغية‬ ‫بيانات‬ ‫تكشف‬ ‫حين‬ ‫في‬ ‫بعد‪.‬‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫والنشاط‬ ‫للرياضة‬ ‫الالزمة‬ ‫األهمية‬ ‫تُعطى‬ ‫لم‬ ‫السياسات‪،‬‬ ‫هذه‬ ‫في‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫الالجئين‬ ‫و‬ ‫المهاجرين‬ ‫حياة‬ ‫في‬ ‫الرياضة‬ ‫و‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫للنشاط‬ ‫اإليجابية‬ ‫المساهمة‬ ‫عن‬ ‫العلمي‬ ‫البحث‬ ‫الترابط‬ ‫قوة‬ ‫على‬ ‫الالجئين‪،‬‬ ‫و‬ ‫للمهاجرين‬ ‫سياسات‬ ‫تطوير‬ ‫على‬ ‫تعمل‬ ‫التي‬ ‫الدولية‬ ‫المؤسسات‬ ‫تؤكد‬ ‫أستراليا‬ ‫و‬ ‫الشمالية‬ ‫أمريكا‬ ‫و‬ ‫األوروبي‬ ‫االتحاد‬ ‫إستثمر‬ ‫المثال‪،‬‬ ‫سبيل‬ ‫على‬ ‫الرياضي‪.‬‬ ‫و‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫للنشاط‬ ‫النشاط‬ ‫في‬ ‫للمشاركة‬ ‫اللجوء‬ ‫طالبي‬ ‫و‬ ‫لالجئين‬ ‫التدخل‬ ‫برامج‬ ‫و‬ ‫الرياضية‬ ‫البرامج‬ ‫في‬ ‫كبير‬ ‫بشكل‬ ‫‪2016‬‬ ‫عامي‬ ‫بين‬ ‫االجتماعية‪.‬‬ ‫األغراض‬ ‫و‬ ‫التأهيل‬ ‫إعادة‬ ‫و‬ ‫الصحة‬ ‫ألغراض‬ ‫الرياضي‬ ‫و‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫أنشطة‬ ‫وفرت‬ ‫حيث‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫يورو‬ ‫ماليين‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫بقيمة‬ ‫ا‬ ‫ع‬ ‫مشرو‬ ‫‪54‬‬ ‫األوروبية‬ ‫المفوضية‬ ‫دعمت‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫‪2018‬‬ ‫و‬ ‫األوروبي‬ ‫االتحاد‬ ‫في‬ ‫األعضاء‬ ‫الدول‬ ‫في‬ ‫اجتماعيًا‬ ‫وإدماجهم‬ ‫الالجئين‬ ‫رفاهية‬ ‫لزيادة‬ ‫رياضية‬ ‫و‬ ‫بدنية‬ ‫‪2019‬‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫آخرون‬ ‫و‬ ‫‪().‬سبايـج‬ ‫بين‬ ‫المساواة‬ ‫"ضمان‬ ‫بعنوان‬ ‫‪2030‬‬ ‫المتحدة‬ ‫لألمم‬ ‫المستدامة‬ ‫التنمية‬ ‫أهداف‬ ‫من‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫المادة‬ ‫نطاق‬ ‫ضمن‬ ‫المستويات‬ ‫جميع‬ ‫على‬ ‫المرأة‬ ‫تمكين‬ ‫ضمان‬ ‫الضروري‬ ‫من‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫الفتيات"‬ ‫و‬ ‫النساء‬ ‫جميع‬ ‫تمكين‬ ‫و‬ ‫الجنسين‬ ‫الالجئات‪،‬‬ ‫و‬ ‫المهاجرات‬ ‫للنساء‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫النشاط‬ ‫دليل‬ ‫إن‬ ‫المرأة‪.‬‬ ‫ضد‬ ‫العنف‬ ‫أشكال‬ ‫جميع‬ ‫على‬ ‫القضاء‬ ‫و‬ ‫االجتماعية‬ ‫للسياسة‬ ‫كأداة‬ ‫تركيا‬ ‫في‬ ‫للالجئات‬ ‫البدني‬ ‫النشاط‬ ‫الستخدام‬ ‫ً‬ ‫جيدا‬ ‫ً‬ ‫نموذجا‬ ‫يعتبر‬ ‫‪،‬‬ ‫أهدافه‬ ‫بحكم‬ ‫و‬ ‫األكاديمية‬ ‫الدراسات‬ ‫في‬ ‫استخدامه‬ ‫يمكن‬ ‫ً‬ ‫هاما‬ ‫ً‬ ‫مرجعا‬ ‫يعتبر‬ ‫و‬ ‫االجتماعي‪.‬‬ ‫التمكين‬ ‫و‬ ‫النفسية‬ ‫و‬ ‫المتحدة‬ ‫األمم‬ ‫أهداف‬ ‫نطاق‬ ‫في‬ ‫المرأة‬ ‫تمكين‬ ‫إلى‬ ‫تهدف‬ ‫التي‬ ‫االجتماعية‬ ‫المسؤولية‬ ‫‪.‬مشاريع‬ ‫المتاحة‬ ‫المعلومات‬ ‫وصول‬ ‫يضمن‬ ‫اإلنجليزية‬ ‫و‬ ‫العربية‬ ‫و‬ ‫التركية‬ ‫باللغات‬ ‫مكتوب‬ ‫الدليل‬ ‫هذا‬ ‫كون‬ ‫إن‬ ‫المحافل‬ ‫أغلب‬ ‫في‬ ‫استخدامه‬ ‫يمكن‬ ‫دولي‬ ‫دليل‬ ‫فهو‬ ‫ذلك‪،‬‬ ‫على‬ ‫عالوة‬ ‫الالجئات‪.‬‬ ‫و‬ ‫للمهاجرات‬ ‫مباشرة‬ ‫‪.‬الدولية‬