Politics, coming back to its original meaning which might be defined as influencing other people and which is involves the making of a common decision for people, then, life is never politics-free. When we are thinking, we are contributing in the political life, how to influence or how to be influenced, how to make a decision in life or how to follow a decision. Politics contain of many dimensions, one might think politics in a negative or positive way depending on which dimensions he stick the politics with. Political party is one of the main institutions in the political life which used in practicing the democracy as the representative system needed by the community. It used as a media to transfer the political messages from the community to the government, as peoples' media to send their aspiration to the people 'above', which existence is influencing the development of the policies of the country depending on its effectiveness. As a Muslim-Largest country, Islam has a very important role in Indonesia's political zone. Though, not everything that has an "Islam" name is able to completely represent Islamic values and so some "non-Islam" might also represent Islamic ethical values. The point of this article is to focus more on how is the relationship between politics and Islam in Indonesia by observing the development of Islamic Political Parties and its phenomena. It will be well observed by the historic-phenomenology approach, which is describing and observing the history of Islamic Political Parties in Indonesia and the social facts that happened in the society
Indonesian education so far has kept a problem that has not received the attention of all stakeholders, namely sexual violence that occurs to students. Victims are faced with the power relations of educational institutions whose reputation is tarnished because of cases of sexual violence. The existence of social media as a social driver is able to mobilize cases of sexual violence on Campus to become a national issue. This prompted the Ministry of Education and Culture to issue Ministerial Regulation no. 30 of 2021 concerning the prevention and handling of sexual violence in universities. This research focuses on critical discourse analysis of this Ministerial Regulation. This research is a descriptive-qualitative research type. To gain comprehensive power of qualitative research analysis, the research phase requires the power of reason which is the source of analytical ability (Arikunto, 2010). The scalpel uses the critical discourse analysis technique of Norman Fairclough's model. The main study is focused on microstructural (text), mesostructure (discourse practices), and macrostructural (sociocultural practices) data. The study results are, first, this regulation is motivated by the phenomenon of the iceberg of sexual violence in the university environment. The government feels the need to provide legal certainty to perpetrators and victims. Second, in this regulation, the government uses educational narratives, prevention, and handling, protecting whistleblowers, and restoring victims' rights. Third, this regulation impacts the social life of the community through various responses. ; Pendidikan Indonesia selama ini menyimpan sebuah permasalahan yang belum mendapat perhatian dari segenap pemangku kepentingan yaitu kekerasan seksual yang terjadi pada peserta didik. Korban dihadapkan pada relasi kuasa institusi Pendidikan yang tidak nama baik Lembaga tercoreng karena kasus kekerasan seksual. Keberadaan sosial media sebagai penggerak sosial mampu memobilisasi kasus kekerasan seksual pada sebuah kampus menjadi isu nasional. Hal ini lantas membuat kemendikbud mengeluarkan Peraturan Menteri No. 30 tahun 2021 tentang pencegahan dan penanganan kekerasan seksual di lingkungan Perguruan Tinggi. Penelitian ini berfokus pada analisa wacana kritis terhadap peraturan Menteri ini. Penelitian ini termasuk jenis penelitian deskriptif-kualitatif. Untuk mendapatkan kekuatan komprehensif tentang analisis penelitian kualitatif, tahap penelitian memerlukan kekuatan akal yang merupakan sumber kemampuan analisis (Arikunto, 2010). Adapun pisau bedahnya menggunakan teknik analisis wacana kritis model Norman Fairclough. Kajian utama ditumpukan pada data mikrostruktural (teks), mesostruktural (praktik wacana), dan makrostruktural (praktik sosiokultural). Hasil penelitian yaitu, pertama, peraturan ini di latar belakangi oleh fenomena gunung es tindak kekerasan seksual di lingkungan perguruan tinggi. Pemerintah merasa perlu untuk bertindak memberikan kepastian hukum kepada pelaku dan korban. Kedua, dalam peraturan ini pemerintah menggunakan narasi yang bersifat edukasi, pencegahan, penanganan, perlindungan pelapor, dan pemulihan hak-hak korban. Ketiga, peraturan ini memberikan dampak bagi kehidupan sosial masyarakat melalui respons-respons yang cukup beragam.
The study on the effect of fuel subsidies toward oil import is a controversial topicdiscussions. This study will explore the effect of fuel subsidies on oil import by addingseveral independent variables, consist of; the number of vehichles, the exchange rateand inflation. Data use time series data from 1980-2013. The tool of analyze is OrdinaryLeast Squares Method (OLS).Based on the results show that the simultaneous testexplains that the fuel subsidies, the number of vehichles, the exchange rate, and inflationhave a significant effect on oil import. However partially, the variables of fuel subsidies,the number of vehichles, and the exchange rate have a positive and significant effecton oil import. Inflation does not affect on oil import. The coefficient of determinationuses Adjusted R-square test is about 98%. The implication of this study is governmentscan increase oil production Indonesia. The government should facilitate the licensing ofinvestment and rejuvenate the old oil wells. It aims to reduce Indonesia dependence onoil import so that it can save foreign exchange reserves.
Petroleum as a raw material in the production process of goods and services is a vital factor in supporting production activities in Indonesia. However, many variables that affect the oil change both the value and volume. This study aims to determine the effect of Foreign Exchange Reserves, Total Vehicle and Fuel Subsidy on Petroleum Imports value. The data used in this research is a secondary data sourced from the Central Statistics Agency (BPS), and the Indonesian National Police. Based on the results of the simultaneous study of foreign exchange reserves variable number of vehicles and fuel subsidies have a significant effect on oil imports which described the period 2001-2010. Partially negative impact of foreign exchange reserves / no significant effect on oil imports while the number of vehicles and fuel subsidy partially positive and significant impact on petroleum imports 2001-2010 period. Factors that affect the dominant variable is imported petroleum fuel subsidies.
The number of single contestant within three occasion times of local election is continously rising. Besides, political parties are eligible to set the competition involving more than one contestant. This leads political parties performance comes into questions. Since many political scientists believed that quality of democracy depends on the degree of political parties' performance, there have been inquires on how fine Indonesian democracy will be in the future. Through qualitative approach, descriptive methods, and literature review of collecting data technique, this research concludes that the rise of single contestants has negative impact on the political parties' image and performance. Furthermore, while the quality of democracy is influenced by the political parties' performance, the decrease on their image and performance consequently leads Indonesian democracy into negative path. Political parties-backed single contestant is conclusively a threat to the future of Indonesian democracy.
Political parties initially formed on the basis of a desire to unite the various groups of people who have the same vision and mission, so that the mind and their orientation can be consolidated. Departing from that, it can be described that political parties are organized groups, where members have an orientation, values , and ideals of the same, which aims to realize these goals by acquiring political power and seize the political. In order to achieve the objectives of political parties should be able to carry out their functions properly. The functions of political parties are as follows: (1) Means of Political Communication, (2) Means of Political Socialization, (3) Means of Political Recruitment, and (4) Means Regulatory Conflicts. Post-reform in Indonesia, political parties are not able to function properly as a pillar of democracy. Several factors could be the cause of the failure of political parties in Indonesia to perform its functions, namely (1) the party system in Indonesia, (2) cultural elitism, and (3) political pragmatism itself. To improve the conditions said, one of the political parties as democratic institutions that play an important role in the democratic process should be able to provide political education for the people of Indonesia, and to be able to put its position actively and creatively in order to carry out the duties and functions both in the preparation for the general election and in the aftermath of the elections.
Although trauma and public skepticism toward the military is still quite strong; though the sins of the military during the New Order freely beragai stripped naked in public space during the reform. In fact, military figures rose even more flying in many national level either party until the local level, both old and new parties. To face the new system of political contestation and the military is benefiting from a weakening factor of the consolidation of civilian political forces. Political parties and civic leaders increasingly anti Orba number berjibun be a dilemma. Elections are approaching need fresh energy to be the winner while they are still haunted by the various limitations of the cadre of crisis, financial crisis and the crisis of political networks. To rise, the former general has a genetic modalities required political parties and civic leaders that organizational discipline, a network of territorial and political violence. Political modalities of military culture is that interest civilian politicians because it can be replicated in consolidating the power of the party, although very risky memangun consolidation of democracy in Indonesia in the future. The choices here are to be assessed for reading the direction of the democratization of Indonesia.
The Phenomenon of political strengthening of the local clans rely on the genealogic relationship including women's political participation. Mastery of strategic positions in political parties representing the power of the dominant clans. Political participation of women in political parties suggests that the presence of kinship linkages with key figurs in the dominant clans. The research question is how the domination of clan in Kaili Society articulated in political Parties. This research has been carried out by using a qualitative approach.The result of research shows that the authority of traditional institusions remain because of a determinant factor in strengthening the dominance of clan social structure. It is formed by a process of social change on traditional power system on the pust turns into the existence of such cultural institutions today, so that the dominant clan members occupy the top social status and strategic role. The central figure that take a lead in Kaili is the madika. It is increase the recruitment of female in the number but a role uin the activities of political parties precisely reduced and weakened.
The election of the District Head and Deputy Regent of Kepahiang in 2015 is a decisive democratic process for 5 years. With the election, electing executive officials, namely the Regent and his Deputy in accordance with the rules of the General Election Commission (KPU) No. 7 of 2006. The dynamics of local politics ahead of The election of leader of Kepahiang was increasingly lively approaching election day. The local pair election appeared on the surface, marked by various kinds of political maneuvers carried out by each pair of the election in Kepahiang held on December 9, 2015. The pair of candidates in the 2015 in Kepahiang regency included: the first sequence number was the first pair, Ir. Firdaus Djalani and Bahruddin. Secondly, Dr. Ir. Hidayatullah Sjahid, MM and Netti Herawati, S. Sos and third Bambang Sugianto, SH, M. Hum and Arbi, S.IP. The nomination of the pair Hidayatullah Sjahid and Netti Herawati was carried out by 3 political parties who had seats in the House of Representative (DPRD) of Kepahiang regency. The parties that carry the pair Hidayatullah Sjahid and Netti Herawati include: Nasdem Party, Hanura Party, Gerindra Party. The nomination has been supported by parliamentary parties and non-parliamentary parties in general through three important stages, namely, first, the selection of candidates. Second, filtering and selection that has been netted. Third, the determination of candidates. Political Communication Strategy of Hidayatullah Sjahid and Netti Herawati pairs. Previously, he was also the acting officer (PLT) of the regent in Kepahiang. As a candidate who has held office, Hidayatullah Sjahid's position has a number of advantages over other candidates in the 2015 Kepahiang Regional Election. Besides having political investment in the Kepahiang regional election, Hidayatulah Sjahid as a candidate who has benefited from cooperating with Netti Herawati, who has high popularity in people's eyes.
This paper explains how the application of an open proportional system and a closed proportional system in the legislative elections in Indonesia. The problem is focused on how the consequences of implementing an open proportional system compared to closed proportionality after the widespread discourse to return to a closed proportional system. Moreover, a number of problems emerged after the 2019 simultaneous elections were carried out in an open proportional system. The open proportional system was considered more complicated for voters and for election administrators. Meanwhile, for election participants, an open proportional system created internal conflicts in political parties. The data in this paper were collected through literature study and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that a closed proportional system was considered to be more efficient in the process of casting and printing the ballots. The closed proportional system was also simple for voters, because voters only chose images of political parties. On the other hand, political parties as election participants must also improve their party system to be more democratic so that the cadres of the best political parties who side with the people have the same opportunity to compete in the election. Ease of voters and the quality of election participants are important because the essence of elections is participation and contestation.
Youth voters potential in Indonesia is quite large due to the significant number of voters. However, the potential of low level of political participation in society, especially among first-time voters are also predicted to increase with the increasing public apathy due to the poor performance of the elected government. Electoral education is a strategic mean to address these problems. Unfortunately since the beginning of the democratic election, after the new regime era, the Election Organizer (KPU) has not yet doing the electoral education and has been using the sameprogrammatic approach which isvoter information which only a temporary solution. Political parties also are still not up to running a electoral education functions as mandated by the law.It needs a mutual commitmentfrom the government and political parties to involve all elements of society such as CSO and educational institutions to start doing programmatic electoral/voter education to improve not only the rate of voter participation in elections but also the overall political participation.
This article is intended to examine the movement of political parties towards the castration of village democracy. Based on two studies conducted before and after the birth of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. Marking the economy and the domination of the village elite are clearly illustrated in winning Pilkades. The dominance of clients who are concerned with the services of their parents or siblings who have been approved as village heads. Issues that will be the subject of discussion concern the role of party wings in the process of castration of village democracy. The selection of political parties is not seen in the castration of village democracy. It turns out that the people who control the candidates are those who are involved in political wing organizations. Political organizations have no restrictions as long as they do not prioritize political parties. This situation basically depicts my organization as indirect politics which has castrated village democracy. The organizational movement of the political wing in the village is a problem that is determined by the political parties which include its regulation. The election of village heads in the political process related to the political interests of the people, local politics regulates more influences on the daily life of national politics. The political wing organizations have unwittingly castrated democracy at the village level. Ideally, the village as a laboratory for national democracy should serve as a model and limit the excessive role of politics in achieving democracy nationally. ; Artikel bertujuan mengkaji gerakan sayap partai politik terhadap pengkebirian demokrasi desa. Berpangkal pada dua penelitian sebelum dan sesudah lahirnya Undang-Undang Nomor 6 Tahun 2014 tentang Desa. Ekonomi dan dominasi elite desa tergambar jelas dalam memenangkan Pilkades. Permasalahan dan pembahasan berkenaan dengan peran sayap partai politik dalam proses pengkebirian demokrasi desa. Keterlibatan partai politik tidak terlihat dalam pengkebirian demokrasi ...
Information systems of political parties (Sipol) as a set of information systems and technologies used to support the work of Political Parties and Election Organizers in registering, administrative research and factual verification ofthe fulfillment ofthe requirements of political parties toparticipatein the elections. But in its application,Sipolactually becomes an obstacle for certain parties to become election participants. In this research, the method used is normative juridical. The result of his research isSipolis not as the main element in determining the political partyto bethe eligible participant, especially in the political party which becomesthe participant ofthe election in the previous election. However,Sipolis only a supporter of work forKPUand political parties in completingthe registration ofpolitical parties as eligible participants.
This research aims to distribution of general voting pleaces member of the house of representative and regional people's representative asembly on sukoharjo sub-district and sound calculation results political parties general election participants member of the house of representative and regional people's representative assembly every pleace of voting votes in Sukoharjo sub-districtSukoharjo district's. This report uses quantitative descritive that is disclosure and know the location point spreadsof general election places members of the house of representative and regional people's representative assembly 2019. And resuilts of sound calculations every political party every place voting around sukoharjo sub-district, data colection techniques used are are through direct observation in te field, and documentation data analysis techniques used are analysis of table and data map. This research results are spreadd of spot vocational places in sukoharjo sub-district. There are 252 sound vocational places spreads in 14 areas set by the commission of general elections accordingto many population in every way, the most amount of the most vocational place is Sukoharjo cheap and Gayam cheap each with 27 sound vocational place, and the little area of number of sound votes Combongan cheap with 13 sound vocation place general election member of the house of representative, in the level of the people's representative of the republic of indo the provincial people's representativf council and the district representative concil in the sukoharjo sub-district dominated by PDIP parties Keywords: distribution, voting place house of representative, regional people's representatif assembly, Party
The main topic of discussion in this journal is the application of the parliamentary threshold policy in the political system in Indonesia. The Parliamentary threshold is a minimum vote acquisition threshold that must be met by political parties participating in the elections to be able to place their legislative candidates in parliament. The juridical empirical research method is used for discussion, which includes the effectiveness and impact of the law. This study also aims to provide input or contribution of ideas to the central government in implementing the parliamentary threshold policy on political parties, so as to produce good governance (good governance) that is stable, effective and efficient. Based on the research results, it can be seen that there is a parliamentary threshold debate in the political system in the country regarding the threshold for national vote acquisition for political parties to be included in the calculation and distribution of DPR seats. In formal juridical terms, the parliamentary threshold debate in the party system in Indonesia is conducted based on the law on political parties and democratic principles. The application of the parliamentary threshold in the national political system is expected to be simplified. Simplifying the number of political parties in Indonesia needs to be done as an effort to improve the quality of political parties so that they can make better contributions to the development of national politics. In addition, party simplification is also carried out in order to facilitate political governance in parliament and to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of democratic and political processes both in parliament and in government. Therefore, simplifying the party is an alternative solution in improving the quality of democracy and government stability, which in the end is for the welfare of the people. ; Pokok pembahasan dalam Jurnal ini mengenai penerapan kebijakan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem politik di Indonesia. Parliamentary threshold merupakan ketentuan batas minimal perolehan suara yang harus dipenuhi Partai politik peserta pemilu untuk bisa menempatkan calon anggota legislatifnya di parlemen. Untuk pembahasannya digunakan metode penelitian yuridis empiris, yang meliputi efektifitas dan dampak hukum. Penelitian ini juga bertujuan untuk memberikan masukkan atau sumbangan pemikiran kepada pemerintah pusat dalam menerapkan kebijakan parliamentary threshold terhadap partai-partai politik, sehingga dapat menghasilkan pemerintahan yang baik (good governance) yang stabil, efektif dan efisien. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dapat diketahui adanya perdebatan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem politik di tanah air mengenai ambang batas perolehan suara nasional bagi partai politik untuk dapat diikutkan dalam penghitungan dan pembagian kursi DPR. Secara yuridis formal, perdebatan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem kepartaian di Indonesia dilakukan berdasarkan undang undang partai politik dan prinsip demokrasi. Penerapan parliamentary threshold dalam sistem politik ditanah air diharapkan adannya penyederhanaan. Penyederhanaan jumlah partai politik di Indonesia perlu dilakukan sebagai salah satu upaya meningkatkan kualitas partai politik sehingga bisa memberikan kontribusi yang lebih baik terhadap perkembangan politik nasional. Disamping itu pula penyederhanaan partai dilakukan dalam rangka mempermudah tata kelola politik di parlemen dan meningkatkan efektivitas dan efisiensi proses demokrasi dan politik baik di parlemen maupun di pemerintahan. Oleh karena itu, penyederhaan partai menjadi solusi alternatif dalam peningkatan kualitas demokrasi dan stabilitas pemerintahan, yang pada akhirnya untuk mensejahterakan rakyat
