Suchergebnisse

The author applies a variant of the common pool resources theory to the problem of public spending under the coalition governments elected by proportional representation. The claim is that proportional representation produces cabinets with a large number of parties, and that a large number of parties brings about higher public spending (measured by budget deficit and public debt). The author constructs and deploys the concept of budgetary dilemma to the effect that, absent institutional constraints, public spending results in expansionary fiscal policy. In the second part, the author empirically tests the budgetary dilemma in two postcommunist democracies - Serbia and Croatia, which in 2000-2013 had cabinets with a large number of actors and increasing public spending. The analysis shows a statistically unreliable predictive capacity of the main independent variable - the number of parties in the cabinet. Statistical analysis is followed by several illustrations of the budgetary dilemma. Adapted from the source document.

The author applies a variant of the common pool resources theory to the problem of public spending under the coalition governments elected by proportional representation. The claim is that proportional representation produces cabinets with a large number of parties, and that a large number of parties brings about higher public spending (measured by budget deficit and public debt). The author constructs and deploys the concept of budgetary dilemma to the effect that, absent institutional constraints, public spending results in expansionary fiscal policy. In the second part, the author empirically tests the budgetary dilemma in two postcommunist democracies - Serbia and Croatia, which in 2000-2013 had cabinets with a large number of actors and increasing public spending. The analysis shows a statistically unreliable predictive capacity of the main independent variable - the number of parties in the cabinet. Statistical analysis is followed by several illustrations of the budgetary dilemma. Adapted from the source document.

This essay is a continuation & an addition to the analysis of the structural dynamics of the Croatian Parliament (Sabor), carried out by the end of the third mandate of the Upper Parliament House. Certain features of the party & social composition of the fourth Croatian Parliament are analyzed & compared to the formerly observed tendencies. The Croatian Parliament has been set up along moderate pluralist lines, which means that Sabor is moderately fragmented party-wise. It seems that the processes of non-electoral parliamentarization & the party factioning have continued in the new Sabor, although in a weaker form, since there is a smaller number of parties & representatives. Having the nature & the intensity of the party factioning in mind, as well as the fact that the constitutional changes have removed the risk of a possible destabilizing influence of one branch of government, the fragile relations within the ruling coalition are recognized as the main potential threat to the stability of the Croatian Sabor. There have been no significant changes in its social structure: educated middle-aged male Croats still predominate in Sabor. Nevertheless, there has been a shift towards a greater representation of women. At the same time, the disproportion in the generational distribution of power has deepened, & finally, due to the relatively brief existence of a multi-party Sabor, & the cyclical changes in the strongest parties' mandates, the Croatian Parliament does not yet possess a stable core of seasoned & competent representatives. 6 Tables, 4 Graphs, 1 Appendix, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has maintained control over the Chinese political system since the establishment of the People's Republic in 1949. Although the Chinese economic system has experienced a drastic change, passing from socialist to more market-oriented economy, the CCP maintained the communist rhetoric that has been adapted to a new reality. Though the political system suffered significant modifications, it never made a U-turn towards liberal democracy. Yet, the most important reform is the transition from a country ruled by a strong leader, to what has been called a collective leadership. Accordingly, the leadership transition has been somehow institutionalized and became a complex process, which is happening in a peaceful way, avoiding major political turbulences. Deng Xiaoping, even though he could be indicated as the last absolute leader of China, promoted the reforms that eventually led to creation of collective leadership and a peaceful leadership transition. The most important aspects were the implementation of the pension system for administration and the top leadership positions, and the establishment of a maximum of two terms in office for all major positions in the country. The collective leadership prevents the possibility of a one-man show and the creation of a dictatorship. Although the system has its discrepancies, it makes PR China a predictable power in which the consensus-based decision-making process is intended to avoid struggles among various fractions and leaders in the Party. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the deterioration of the professional standards in journalism both globally & nationally (in Croatia) in relation to the problem of the freedom of the media. It seems there is a vicious circle at work here: journalists often commit blunders & these mistakes are then used by the parties in power -- as well as by the media owners, often in collusion with these parties -- to restrict the freedom of the media. The author argues that due to the power wielded by the media today, their ownership should be transparent. Besides, the relations between the journalists & the media owners should be properly regulated, which might result in more responsible journalism. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

The circumstances of the emergence & evolution of Christian democratic parties in Europe are outlined, & the principles of Christian social & political creed (on which they are based) are analyzed. The most salient among these principles are respect for the dignity of men as individuals, solidarity, subsidiarity, participation, general allotment of goods, & the duty of public authorities to look after the common good. A review of major programmatic documents of the international association of Christian democratic parties, as well as those of the two German Christian democratic parties, is offered. In closing, the author looks into the policies of the two Croatian parties that aspire to be Christian democratic -- the Croatian Christian Democratic Union & the Croatian Democratic Union -- & concludes that in Croatia, there are no social & political prerequisites for a true articulation of Christian democratic parties. Adapted from the source document.

The paper highlights the remarkable religious homogeneity & the much-evolved secularization of Scandinavian societies as the distinguishing features of these countries. These traits explain why Christian parties in northern Europe have remained relatively minor compared to their counterparts in other European countries. Christian parties (except, perhaps, in Norway) are of a rather recent date in Scandinavian countries (in 1933 in Norway, in 1958 in Finland, in 1964 in Sweden, & in 1970 in Denmark) & have neither shaped nor deeply influenced the development of Scandinavian democracy as a political system or a lifestyle. Christian parties in Scandinavia emerged at the time when the democratic systems of these countries had already developed, & the electorate had already chosen to adhere to one party or another. The author claims that Christian parties in Scandinavian countries came into being as a sort of moral & ethical protest at the time of rapid cultural secularization, the role they have more or less retained until now. The emergence of these parties went somewhat against the grain. First, they emerged in religiously homogenous & conflict-free societies. Second, despite the fact that almost 90% of the populations of these countries belong to the Lutheran state church, their support for Christian parties has been relatively low. Although minor in the number of votes they get, the role of Christian parties in the political life of these countries is far from negligible, as can be seen by their inclusion as partners in the coalition governments (today in Denmark, Finland, & Sweden, & formerly in Norway). 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

Quantitative tables are produced showing, in numerical & % values, the outcome of 1992, 1992, 1995, & 1997 elections for the two houses of the Croatian parliament & county assemblies. The data specify the gains of individual parties in the House of Representatives & House of Counties & in the assemblies of all the counties of the Croatian Republic by giving the % of votes received & number of seats won in each of the elections. Z. Dubiel

After the first elections for the federal parliament (Bundestag) of unified Germany in Dec 1990, one new party gained entrance into the Bundestag: the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS). This party is the successor party of the United Socialist Party of Germany (SED), the ruling communist party in East Germany. The PDS is still represented in the Bundestag; it also has representatives in all lander parliaments of the eastern German regions, & is the third strongest party overall, & in some eastern German towns, the strongest party. To explain the PDS's excellent electoral results & its political clout, the author analyzes the party's ideological/programmatic goals, as well as the social conflicts it articulates in the German party system. The PDS represents the anti-Western social milieu, which includes 20% of the population of eastern Germany. Although the PDS has been trying to shed its communist legacy, its attitude toward the elements of the liberal/democratic regime has remained ambivalent since its members & voters demonstrate a significant antidemocratic potential. 12 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article looks into the changes in the parties & the social structure of the first House of the Croatian parliament (the Sabor) in the transitional period. A total of 26 political parties have had seats in the parliament -- 16 of them securing their place through prior support of the electoral body, & 10 solely through individual lists. The author shows that this party fragmentation has occurred due to the process of parliamentary parties' factioning & the transfer of delegates from parliamentary to nonparliamentary parties. The degree of party fragmentation in the Sabor is considered moderate & not disruptive for the functioning of the parliament. This is due to the continued mandated dominance of the majority party & to the fact that the party fragmentation has primarily involved the opposition parties. An analysis of the social-demographic characteristics of the representatives shows that the Sabor is dominated by male, college-educated, 48-year-old Croats with a bit more than four years of parliamentary experience. The educational structure of the Sabor does not differ much from other European parliaments, but the number of senior representatives is somewhat higher than in other European countries, while the share of women is lamentable under all democratic standards. It has been suggested that the most effective strategy that the Croatian parliamentary political parties could employ regarding gender & age representation are internally determined quotas for women & young people on their candidates' lists for elections. This would indirectly influence the social structure & the level of democracy of the Croatian parliament. 7 Tables, 1 Appendix, 38 References. Adapted from the source document.

A major role of political parties in a multiparty democratic system is to encourage equal opportunities of men & women with the aim of realizing full democracy. Among the parliamentary parties in Croatia, we can distinguish between those who can see no reason whatsoever to pay special attention to this issue, considering it settled, & those who advocate the need for & continuity of promoting women's rights. In an analysis of party attitudes on that issue, the following model was used: a dimension whose extremes are state intervention & self-regulation. It was linked with the dimension of the continuum modernism-traditionalism. Thus we get a four-field chart. The first field includes the traditionalist political parties (HDZ, HSS, & HSP) who view the social position of women as a result of a spontaneous development of the society in general; ie, they accept the rule of self-regulation. In the second, for the time being empty, there would be parties that strive for social regulation in the realization of traditional social values. The next field is complementarily shared by modern political parties inclined to self-regulation (HNS, HSLS, HND, SNS, IDS, DA) & those who advocate state regulation of the mentioned issue (SDP & ASH). The analysis of the attitude toward women in party organization shows the following: (1) low percentage of women among party rank-&-file, regardless of a party's nature; & (2) "the rule" that the higher the level of political decision making, the lower the number of women. 3 Tables, 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the development of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) as a federal party & states its ideological & programmatic objectives. The inauspicious experience of the Weimar Republic as well as the disastrous aftermath of the reign of National Socialism played the pivotal role in the shaping of the CDU. There have been attempts to fill in the ethical vacuum following the collapse of National Socialism by Christian humanism. The author focuses next on the Ahlen program (1947) & the Hamburg (1953) & Berlin (1968) party conventions. Particularly highlighted is the period between 1969 & 1982, the era of program modernization. In closing, the author looks into the current party standings in Germany today. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyses the main characteristics of a new German political party -- Piratenpartei, its genesis and the impact it has already had on German politics. The success of this party, which now has representatives in the Parliament of Berlin and four more regional parliaments in Germany city council, is an indication of the importance of the Internet, as well as of the need to address new issues on the political agenda. Some of these issues involve free access to information, as well as the need for abandoning periodical elections as the main method of citizens' involvement in politics. Instead, the Piratenpartei, as well as other similar parties in northern Europe, advocates a more permanent and direct involvement of people in the decision-making process. This is defined as the concept of "liquid democracy". The Piratenpartei has influenced the German political scene by forcing other political parties to adopt their programmes if they wish to preserve their influence in German politics. This is particularly important for the younger generation of voters, who are now increasingly using the Internet as an instrument of political activism. Adapted from the source document.

One of the focuses of the study of parties at the end of the 20th century has been the organizational structure & the relations within political parties, including the nominating procedures for the selection of candidates for general elections. The manner in which parties fulfill their recruiting function &, eventually, the quality of the political & the governing elite in a "party" state directly depends on these procedures. Typologically there are differences between the nominating procedures in the US (regulated by federal laws) & those in European political parties (regulated by party documents). The author describes major forms of American pre-elections & European procedures for candidates' selection. She analyzes the nominating procedures in the Croatian legislation & the statutes of Croatian parliamentary parties. Her conclusion is that the laws on parties & the selection of candidates are entirely left to the parties whose statutes without exception envisage very centralized, exclusive & nondemocratic procedures of candidates' selection. 1 Table, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.