Suchergebnisse

In the wake of 11 September 2001 not only the scope & the goals of terrorism drastically expanded but also the circle of social groups & institutions it encroaches upon. The essence of the "classical" terrorism is aptly summarized by the old Chinese adage: "kill one, scare hundreds." The attack on the WTC altered these numbers not only for that attack but also for most terrorist attacks all over the world, so this aphorism might now run: "kill thousands, scare billions." If the classical terrorism was a sort of a "trio" whose participants were "terrorists & their victims & power." contemporary terrorism increasingly takes the font of a "quartet": "terrorists & their victims & power & mass media.". References. Adapted from the source document.

Zbog intenziviranja poljoprivredne proizvodnje i napuštanja rubnih pojaseva poljoprivrednih područja diljem Europe bioraznolikost stalno opada. Da bi se smanjio negativan utjecaj intenzivne poljoprivredne proizvodnje, u Zajedničku poljoprivrednu politiku Europske Unije uvrštene su agrookolišne mjere kao dio Programa ruralnog razvoja. Jedna od mjera za povećanje bioraznolikosti jest i uspostava cvjetnih pojaseva koji bi trebali osigurati veću brojnost korisnih kukaca (oprašivača, predatora i parazitoida) i time povećati bioraznolikost. Cilj istraživanja, koje je provedeno tijekom 2014. i 2015. na četiri lokaliteta, jest vizualnim pregledima utvrditi posjećivanje oprašivača i ostale entomofaune na implementirane cvjetne pojaseve i usporediti njihovu brojnost s brojnošću na tipičnom poljoprivrednom krajoliku. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da na implementiranim cvjetnim tracima unutar obradivih površina zasijanih poljoprivrednim kulturama ima znatno veći broj oprašivača kao i ostale faune u odnosu na kontrolne površine. Utvrđene su i razlike u brojnosti oprašivača na cvjetnim tracima s obzirom na godinu njihove uspostave. ; Due to the intensification of agricultural production and abandonment of the field margins across Europe biodiversity is steadily decreasing. To minimize the negative impact of intensive agricultural production, within the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union, agri-environment measures as part of the Rural Development Programme are established. One of the measures to increase biodiversity is the establishment of flower strips, which should provide greater numbers of beneficial insects (pollinators, predators and parasitoids) and thereby increase biodiversity. The aim of this research, which was conducted during 2014 and 2015 at four locations, is by the visual inspections determine the number of visiting pollinators and other beneficial insects on implemented floral strips and compare their number with a typical agricultural landscape. The results show that the implemented flower strips within arable crops have significantly increased the number of pollinators and other fauna in relation to the control plots. Differences between floral strips in numbers of pollinators were determined according to a year of establishment.

After WWII, new countries emerged in three waves: the first immediately after the war was a result of the activities of the allied coalition; the second wave was the result of decolonization; & the third, newest wave was the result of the fall of communist federations. The author analyzes the consequences of greater numbers of countries for diplomacy. Bilateral diplomacy & organization of diplomatic services in individual countries have been faced with a series of problems: an increase in employees in ministries of foreign affairs; the need to expand the network of diplomatic missions & selection of countries in which missions are to be set up; & the difficulties of financing diplomacy services & the need for greater specialization & employment of regional experts. In international diplomacy, the work of the UN, its membership, & its security council are all hampered. For this reason, regional associations & ad hoc groups formed by countries concerned with specific problems are gaining importance. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, the author shows why the student movement for free education ("the blockade") is wrong in asserting that the cause of injustice in higher education is the implementation of an allegedly neo-liberal project -- the Bologna Process. Furthermore, he claims that, in a serious discussion which would include all interested parties, the students' demand of "everything free on all levels in the highest possible numbers" could not be defended as a just demand. A socially just higher education would not be one which would be available free of charge to all interested parties, but one which would ensure access to higher education to the poor. The expose of the article is divided into three sections. First, Kurelic presents some ideological-theoretical formulations used in advocating free education. Then he attempts to show the short-sightedness of such formulations by referring to the example of criticism aimed at the higher education reform in Croatia, the so-called Bologna. In the third and final section, he explains why he is of the opinion that egalitarian liberals such as Scanlon and Barry, developing their line of argument from the position of social justice, would ask for much more than cancellation of school fees on all levels, and why the demand formulated according to Barry's categories is more solid. Adapted from the source document.

Šire bihaćko područje je od središta hrvatskog etničkog prostora u srednjem vijeku, zbog osmanlijske invazije i dugotrajne okupacije postalo u novom vijeku rubno područje na granici velesila, država i različitih civilizacija. Demografske promjene, na koje su utjecale vojne i političke okolnosti, najviše su se odrazile na hrvatsko katoličko stanovništvo. U zahtjevnim okolnostima Hrvati katolici su u širem graničnom krajiškom području opstali najvećim dijelom oko samog grada Bihaća. ; Almost two centuries passed from the first Ottoman invasions to the fall of Bihać, the last Croatian stronghold conquered by the Ottomans in 1592. After the fall of the defense on the river Vrbas, and then on the Una, only the defensive line on the river Kupa was effective enough to finally stop the Ottomans. During this period, the indigenous population of the wider area was suppressed in migrations to the northwest. The Islamization of conquered Bihać was important in the Ottoman security strategy. Part of the indigenous Catholic population remained in the villages around Bihać. The wars and demarcations in the 17th and 18th centuries affected the confessional and ethnic image of the wider river Una area. There were periods of more frequent "cross-border exchange" of the Croatian population due to economic and other reasons. About eight hundred surnames are recorded in the preserved registers of the parish of Bihać from the end of the 18th century. In the heart of the Croatian ethnic and political historical space, from which it is today separated by the state border, Croats have survived as indigenous population of this area, mostly around Bihać. Its numbers were influenced by wars, socio- political circumstances and political-territorial alterations in the 20th century.

Središnja tema rada usmjerena je na raščlambu udjela Sinjana i Cetinjana u mletačkim prekomorskim kopnenim postrojbama (pješaštvo i konjaništvo) u 18. stoljeću. Rad se zasniva na raščlambi izvornoga arhivskog gradiva pohranjenoga u Archivio di Stato di Venezia, a riječ je o popisima pripadnika pojedinih vojnih postrojbi koje je provodila nadležna državna magistratura Inquisitori sopra l'amministrazione dei pubblici ruoli. U uvodnome dijelu rada ukratko se iznose opći podatci o mletačkim prekojadranskim postrojbama, dočim je središnji dio teksta usmjeren na raščlambu konkretnih primjera prisutnosti Sinjana i Cetinjana u mletačkoj kopnenoj vojsci. Analizira se njihova ukupna brojnost tijekom 18. stoljeća, učestalost spominjanja u izvorima, iznose opći podatci o zapovjednicima postrojbi, mjesta djelovanja te se ukazuje na neka opća obilježja onovremenih vojnika (dob, statura i drugo). U prilogu rada donosi se cjelovit pregled svih Sinjana i Cetinjana (prema dosadašnjim istraživanjima) zabilježenih u mletačkim kopnenim vojnim snagama. ; The central purpose of this paper is to analyze the participation of the people from Sinj and from Cetina Border in the Venetian overseas ground forces (infantry and cavalry units) in the 18th century. It analyzes the original source material kept in Archivio di Stato di Venezia – the lists of members of particular military units made by the competent magistracy (Inquisitori sopra l'amministrazione dei pubblici ruoli). The introduction provides general information on the Venetian overseas troops in Eastern Adriatic, while the central part of the paper analyzes the specific examples of the Sinj and Cetina Border soldiers in the Venetian ground forces. The analysis is focused on their overall numbers in the 18th century, the frequency of their mention in the sources, general information on their unit commanders, places of deployment, and some general characteristics of the soldiers of the period (age, stature etc.). The appendix to the paper contains a complete list of the people from Sinj and Cetina Border (based on the research carried out so far) recorded in the Venetian armed forces.

Tijekom Domovinskoga rata Petrinja i petrinjsko područje u velikosrpskoj su agresiji razarani, stanovništvo prognano, mnogi su civili i branitelji ubijeni, a navedeno je područje tijekom jeseni 1991. na posljetku i okupirano. Okupacija je trajala do kolovoza 1995., do "Oluje". Uz prikaz konteksta situacije uoči počinjenih zločina, u radu će naglasak biti na slučaju ubojstva četveročlane obitelji Kozbašić u okupiranoj Petrinji. Rad je napisan uglavnom na temelju dokumentacije hrvatskih institucija te institucija pobunjenih Srba, a kao bitna dopuna korišteni su literatura i tisak. Petrinjski ugostitelj i medicinska sestra Milan i Gordana Kozbašić, s dvoje osnovnoškolaca, Tamarom i Alenom, ostali su živjeti u Petrinji nakon srpske okupacije grada započete 21. rujna 1991., a ubijeni su početkom studenoga iste godine. Poznati su identiteti dvojice okrivljenika za taj zločin, barem prema podignutoj optužnici na Županijskom sudu u Zagrebu krajem 2018. godine. Temeljito istraživanje takvih kriminalnih djela doprinosi otkrivanju počinitelja zločina i sprječava manipulacije žrtvama i brojkama ubijenih civila tijekom Domovinskoga rata. ; During the Homeland War Petrinja and the Petrinja area were destroyed due to the Greater Serbia aggression, the population was expelled, many civilians and Croatian soldiers were killed, and the area was eventually occupied in autumn of 1991. The occupation lasted until August 1995, until the "Storm Operation". After presenting political and military context of the situation before the crime was committed, the paper will focus on the murder case of the four- member Kozbašić family committed in occupied Petrinja. The paper is mainly based on documentation of Croatian and rebel Serb institutions, literature and newspapers were used as an additional source. Local restaurant owner and nurse, Milan and Gordana Kozbašić,, with two elementary school children, Tamara and Alen, remained living in Petrinja even after the Serbs occupied the city on September 21st, 1991. They were killed early in November of the same year. The identities of the two defendants for this crime are known, at least according to the indictment filed at the Zagreb County Court at the end of 2018. A thorough investigation of such criminal acts contributes to the detection of perpetrators of crimes and prevents manipulation of victims and numbers of civilians killed during the Homeland War.

Rad "Društveno-političke prilike u ivanićkom kraju između dva svjetska rata" u prvom redu nastojat će prikazati događaje koji su obilježili međuratno razdoblje u tri općine ivanićkog kraja (Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić, Križ). Uz demografski, društveni i gospodarski razvoj, posebna će se pažnja posvetiti okolnostima dinamičnih političkih zbivanja u tom kraju, koja su obilježila razdoblje od 1918. do 1941. godine. ; The area of municipalities Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić and Križ in the times of monarchist Yugoslavia (from 1918 to 1941), went through a period of transformation. This territory had a fairly diverse social and economic structure, in which there was industry, commerce and trade, along with agriculture and livestock farming. The entire area had a centuries-long tradition of education, for which there was relatively little illiterates. Moreover, the idea of linking citizens to achieve common economic and social interests was very strong among the population. After 1918 all adult male citizens of Yugoslavia got universal suffrage. Therefore the Croatian people hoped that their rights would expand even further, while the new state government wanted to build a unitary and centralized state. Citizens of Ivanić area started the struggle for the preservation of their democratic and national rights. One of the biggest and earliest armed resistances to the regime's ideas, known as the Kriæ Republic, proved in 1920 that people were not happy with the situation in their environment. Despite of proclamation of Yugoslav dictatorship, with time the authorities would find that the thoughts and actions of citizens are very difficult to control. The citizens themselves in almost absolute numbers sided with the ideas of Croatian Peasant Party and the concept of political struggle for democratic, social and economic rights of Croatian people in the monarchist Yugoslavia. Therefore, the attacks against ideas and symbols of the regime became an everyday reality. In the years following the assassination of King Alexander there was a limited democratization of the state. They were also marked by an increasing activity of the HSS. This all led to the creation of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939. However, only a year and a half later, Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Croatian Banovina will disappear in a whirlwind of World War Two.

U ovom radu autorica piše o povratu židovske imovine u Hrvatskoj, od devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća do danas. Zbog nedorečenih zakona te sporosti hrvatskog sudstva pitanje povrata židovske imovine još uvijek nije riješeno, a uglavnom se aktualizira kada se netko od hrvatskih vlasti sastaje s nekim iz Izraela ili američke administracije. Prema sadašnjim aktualnim propisima jedina židovska imovina koju je moguće vratiti je ona oduzeta nakon 1945. godine, dok je imovina koja je oduzeta u vrijeme NDH ostala nedirnuta, odnosno "zaštićena" zakonima koji su doneseni još za vrijeme Jugoslavije. Sadašnji povrat oduzete imovine provodi se prema Zakonu o naknadi za imovinu, oduzetu za vrijeme jugoslavenske komunističke vladavine, koji je stupio na snagu 1997. godine, pri čemu su pravo povrata ili naknade imali samo hrvatski državljani u prvom nasljednom redu. Zakon je dopunjen 2002., kada je odlučeno da i stranci imaju pravo povrata. Od 2002. godine očekuju se izmjene Zakona o naknadi, posebice one koje se tiču židovske imovine koja nema nasljednika, ali do danas nisu donesene. Točan broj zaprimljenih i riješenih zahtjeva još uvijek je neutvrđen. ; The author discusses the restitution of Jewish property in Croatia from the 1990s to the present. Due to vague laws and the sluggishness of the Croatian judiciary, the issue of the restitution of Jewish property has yet to be resolved. Generally, restitution only occurs when someone from the Croatian government meets with someone from Israel or the American administration. According to current regulations, the only Jewish property that can be returned is that confiscated after 1945, while property confiscated during the regime of the Independent State of Croatia has remained intact, i.e., "protected" by laws that were adopted at the time of the former Yugoslavia. The current restitution of property is being carried out according to the Law on the Restitution of Property Taken under the Yugoslav Communist Rule, which went into force in 1997, according to which only Croatian citizens and their direct heirs were eligible for restitution or compensation of property. The law was amended in 2002, when it was ruled that foreign claimants were entitled to restitution. Since 2002, amendments to this law have been anticipated, particularly regarding Jewish property in cases when there are no heirs, but nothing has been done so far. The precise numbers of claims received and resolved remain unclear.

Since mid 1991, in the context of structuring the ethnic relations & statuses in Bosnia & Herzegovina, a great attention is being devoted to the country's internal territorial division in accordance with the ethnic principle. The leadership of the three peoples in Bosnia & Herzegovina, appealing to the size of "their own" ethnic territories, formulated incompatible & extremely conflicting ethno-territorial demands. The Serbs claimed that two thirds of the country's territory should belong to them, the Croats demanded one third, & the Muslims/Bosniaks, being unable to articulate a project of a unitary state, demanded one half. After its initial involvement in the attempts to find a solution to the crisis in the country, at the beginning of February 1992, the international community supported a proposal for a federal arrangement where the federal units would be established according to the ethnic principle. However, since the international community rightly considered the existing demands as exaggerated, it tried to find an objective method to determine the size of the ethnic units in order to achieve a fair distribution of the country's territory. For that purpose, it used "the ethnic map" made on the basis of the numbers of each people in the existing administrative units -- counties (opcine). After the break out of the war (1992-95), the significance of that map would diminish in the subsequent peace plans & territorial division that accompanied them. Still, most of the experts interested in the problems of Bosnia & Herzegovina consider the mentioned map, thanks to its initial popularization by the international community, as an adequate basis for determining the size of the "ethnic units" according to which one should measure the ethno territorial divisions created by the war. Those views had their share of influence on the interethnic relation in the Bosnia & Herzegovina, on the internal geopolitical relations, & even on the aspect of international relations that was influenced by the war in Bosnia. The article claims that this map gives a wrong idea about the real size of the ethnic territories in the country. Thus, it was wrong to consider the map as an adequate "politically correct" basis in determining the ethno territorial units, & it is also wrong to use it as a standard by which one should measure the ethno territorial results of the war in Bosnia. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se na temelju arhivskih izvora, stručne literature i onovremenoga tiska analizira povratak jugoslavenskih iseljenika iz Argentine i ostalih dijelova Južne Amerike u prvim godinama nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. Prati se priprema, organizacija, brojnost, transport, dolazak, smještaj i razmještaj iseljenika u domovini. Analizira se i stručna, nacionalna i spolna pripadnost iseljenika povratnika. Posebna pozornost posvećena je odnosima dviju država, Jugoslavije i Argentine, u ovom pitanju. ; Diplomatic, consular and economic relations between the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Argentina were established on 16 September 1946. The agreement was signed by General Ljubo Ilić, chief of the Yugoslav diplomatic mission in South America, and Juan Atilion Bramuglia, Argentinian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Religion. In the first decade after World War II, the two states had some open problems and unresolved issues such as the question of commercial agreements, Yugoslav political emigration in Argentina, especially the Ustasha movement, Argentine nationalised property in Yugoslavia, visas for entering Argentina etc. Following World War II, Argentina became the country with the most emigrants of Yugoslav origin in the entire Latin America. The major part of those were Croats and Slovenes, while emigrants from Montenegro and Serbia made up a smaller proportion. The issue of Yugoslav immigrants in Argentina was of the greatest importance in the relations between two countries. In the late 1940s, the interests of Yugoslavia and Argentina in this matter were opposed. Both sides wanted to use a qualified work force for building their own country. Yugoslavia tried to recruit immigrants to come back and take part in fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan established in 1947. Argentina on the other hand, wanted to keep able-bodied people for building its own industry. The Yugoslav government sent ships for immigrants and organised housing and jobs for them upon their return. The majority of them were construction, agriculture, and textile workers. The peak of the repatriation was 1948, when 83% of Yugoslav immigrants returned from Argentina. There was another problem, and that was the different treatment of immigrants with dual citizenship, which especially referred to the children of Yugoslav immigrants who were born on Argentine soil. According the law, they were Argentine citizens, but Yugoslav authorities still thought of them as their own. According to official data, of all the people to return in Yugoslavia in the 1946–51 period, a total of 1,748 arrived from Argentina, which was 10.84% of the total number of returning Yugoslav citizens. Only France was ahead of Argentina in this period in terms of numbers of returns, with 3,914, while Canada was behind, with 1,727.

Rad na osnovi izvornog arhivskog gradiva, objavljenih arhivskih izvora, literature i periodike prikazuje ratni put pripadnika Varaždinske 16. pješačke pukovnije Carske i kraljevske austro-ugarske vojske koja se popunjavala s područja grada Bjelovara i Bjelovarsko-križevačke županije na Balkanskom bojištu 1914. godine. Ova je pukovnija sudjelovala u glavnim borbenim djelovanjima u sastavu 5. austro-ugarske vojske koja je imala glavnu ofenzivnu zadaću u austro-ugarskoj ofenzivi na Kraljevinu Srbiju u ljeto i jesen 1914. godine. Cilj ovoga rada je znanstvena obrada ove teme, jer su dosad ovi događaji uglavnom bili poznati iz memoarske literature, publicistike i pisanja onodobnog tiska. Stoga se u ovome radu nastoji utvrditi točan broj poginulih, ranjenih, nestalih i zarobljenih Bjelovarčana i stanovnika županije u 16. pješačkoj pukovniji i u prilogu donosi popis ranjenih i poginulih. ; This paper presents a study of archival material regarding the participation of inhabitants of Bjelovar and the Bjelovar-Križevci County in the Varaždin 16th Infantry Regiment of the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Army on the Balkan front in 1914. Though the recruitment area of this regiment covered the town of Bjelovar and the Bjelovar-Križevci County, the name had been kept for traditional reasons, owing to the regiments' long history dating back to 1538, while the regiment itself was founded in 1703. The regiment was initially deployed within the 5th Austro-Hungarian army, it was the main strike force in the attack on Serbia in 1914, and remained within formation during the entire campaign. Further on, the paper analyzes the course of the main operations and the conduct of operations by the 16th Infantry Regiment in the battles of Cer, Kolubara and Ljig. The 5th army, as well as the entire Austro-Hungarian army forces, suffered enormous losses in the Balkans, while the 16th Regiment lost 122 officers and 4,133 men. The regiment's diary reveals the number of reinforcement the Regiment received during 1914; the records show that 32 officers and 2,841 soldiers joined the ranks. However, the military records kept at the Bjelovar State Archive for the year 1914 have revealed insurmountable losses to the town of Bjelovar and the county. Only 59 recruits were listed, out of which only 32 declared fit for service. Amid these numbers, 24 were eligible for regular army, and 8 for Domobranstvo (Austrian Landwehr, Hungarian Honvéd, second line territorial defence units). In conclusion, the complete losses of 4,762 men in their prime affected the town of Bjelovar and the county considerably. For 289 of them, the records hold information about their status in the combat forces on the Balkan front in 1914. This list is presented in the attachment below.

Iako intervencijska kardiologija u Hrvatskoj unatrag dvaju desetljeća bilježi napredak, ne nalazimo analizu broja intervencijskih kardioloških zahvata na nacionalnoj razini. Cilj je rada bila analiza broja koronarnih angiografija (CA) i perkutanih koronarnih intervencija (PCI) u razdoblju od 2010. do 2014. godine. Analizirani su dijagnostičko-terapijski postupci iz računa hospitaliziranih bolesnika u Hrvatskoj koji se odnose na CA i PCI u 13 hrvatskih centara. U promatranom je razdoblju prosječna stopa CA bila 4390 na milijun stanovnika godišnje uz porast od 8,5 % u promatranom razdoblju. Prosječna stopa PCI-ja bila je 2208 uz porast od 15 %. Omjer PCI/CA porastao je s 0,48 na 0,52. Od 47 470 PCI-ja učinjenih u Hrvatskoj od 2010. do 2014. godine 18,6 % učinjeno je u Klinici za kardiovaskularne bolesti Magdalena, 13,8 % u Kliničkom bolničkom centru (KBC) Zagreb, 11,9 % u KBC-u Rijeka i 11,3 % u Kliničkojbolnici Dubrava, dok su ostali centri imali udjele manje od 10 %. Prema broju PCI-ja, sedam hrvatskihcentara (54 %) ubrajamo u velike centre, a četiri (30,7 %) među srednje velike centre. Opća bolnica Dubrovnikod 2013. godine ima dovoljan godišnji broj PCI-ja (> 200), dok Opća bolnica Karlovac radi samo CA. Rezultati upućuju na izniman uspjeh hrvatske intervencijske kardiologije u zadnja dva desetljeća. Hrvatska je 2010. godine imala višu stopu PCI-ja od prosjeka članica Organizacije za ekonomsku suradnju i razvoj (OECD) i 21 zemlje članice Europske unije i veći prosječan godišnji rast (26,8 %) od svih analiziranih zemlja, osim Rumunjske. Stopa PCI-ja bila je viša od većine europskih zemalja, osim Njemačke, Belgije, Austrije i Norveške. Za daljnju analizu uspješnosti intervencijskih zahvata i planiranje daljnjeg razvoja nužno je formiranje unificiranoga Hrvatskog registra kardioloških procedura. ; Although there has been progress in interventional cardiology in Croatia over the last two decades, there has been no analysis of interventional cardiologic procedures at the national level. The aim of this article was to analyze of the number of coronary angiographies (CA) and percutaneous coronary interventions (PCI) in the period from 2010 to 2014. Diagnostic and treatment procedures were analyzed based on the CA and PCI hospital claims of Croatian patients in 13 Croatian centers. The average rate of CA in the observed period was 4 390 per million population annually, with a growth of 8.5% over the observed period. The average rate of PCI was 2 208 with an increase of 15%. The PCI/CA ratio grew from 0.48 to 0.52. Of the 47 470 PCI procedures performed in Croatia between 2010 and 2014, 18.6% were performed in the Magdalena Special Hospital for Cardiovascular Surgery and Cardiology, 13.8% in the University Hospital Centre Zagreb, 11.9% in the University Hospital Centre Rijeka, and 11.3% in the University Hospital Dubrava, while other centers had shares below 10%. Based on PCI numbers, 7 Croatian centers (54%) can be classified as high volume centers, and 4 (30.7%) as medium volume centers. The Dubrovnik General Hospital since 2013 had a sufficient annual number of PCIs (>200), while the Karlovac General Hospital only performed CA. Results indicate that Croatian interventional cardiology has achieved a great success over the last two decades: in 2010, Croatia already had an above average rate of PCIs compared with the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and 21 countries of the European Union, as well as a larger annual growth (26.8%) than all analyzed countries except Romania. PCI rates were higher than most European countries except Germany, Belgium, Austria, and Norway. Further analysis of the success of interventional procedures and further development plans require the formation of a unified Croatian Registry of Cardiologic Procedures.

Stjecanjem povlastica slobodnoga i kraljevskoga grada započelo je novo razdoblje osječke povijesti. Promjene su se ponajviše ticale funkcioniranja gradske uprave u novim pravnim i društvenim okolnostima. Dosadašnja rijetka istraživanja onovremene osječke upravne povijesti u pravilu su se zadržavala na ustrojstvu i nadležnostima tamošnje gradske općine. U ovom radu autori su se bavili pitanjem sastava i značajki prve uprave slobodnoga i kraljevskoga grada Osijeka, koja je s radom počela u kolovozu 1809. godine. Na temelju gradiva osječkoga poglavarstva autori daju povijesni i pravni kontekst izboru i imenovanju članova uprave te analizu njihovih sociodemografskih karakteristika zabilježenih primarno u evidencijama građana. ; When the city of Osijek received the charter of privileges and became a free and royal city in 1809, a new stage in its historical and legal development began. Although the citizens' request for the charter from the Emperor Francis I was probably mainly motivated by the presumed prospects of the economic development, as it arrived rather late, i.e. some four decades before the feudalism was abolished in the Habsburg lands, its effects were mostly of legal and administrational nature. This is probably why the few works that cover the topic of Osijek's municipal history in the first half of the 19th century mainly deal with issues such as legal status of the Free and Royal City of Osijek and its citizens, the organisation of the local authority, etc. Although these historical aspects are indeed crucial to understanding the role of the local authority in the broad system of public (state) administration, as well as in the community, there are others that could complement our knowledge in that respect, such as the influence of different political, ideological, demographic and cultural factors. Among them are sociodemographic characteristics of the members of the city government. Besides an overview of the historical events prior to the election and appointment of the first government of the Free and Royal City of Osijek, the legal context and its organisation, as well as the very process of election, the authors analyse the sociodemographic characteristics of its highest-ranking members. The analysis included 57 officials and administration officers, i.e. 7 members of the City Council (Magistrate), 40 members of the Elected Commune (Assembly) with its President, and 9 other heads and deputies of the most important offices and services. Characteristics recorded in the registries of Osijek's citizens that were in focus of the research were the nobility status, religion, profession and place of origin. Combining the results and the official criteria for the election of the local authority officials and officers, the authors suggest that the leading criteria were the education and former work experience in the public administration. This is, of course, related to the social standing of the individuals, because the elites traditionally had better education and better overall access to public positions. Consequently, the majority of nobles and intellectual workers among the citizens were elected or appointed to a position in the local authority. Two most represented groups (equal in numbers) were merchants and craftsmen, but if we look at the overall population of people with citizen status, there were three times more craftsmen than merchants, which means that the latter were, relatively speaking, more represented in the local administration, as their social status was generally better. The only two religious groups that could apply for Osijek's citizenship were members of the Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox communities. The latter, as a minority, was a slightly underrepresented, but within the limits of the obligatory one quarter of the representatives in the Elected Commune. The place of origin had little or no influence on the election and appointment of members of the local authority, but it clearly portrays the City of Osijek as a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural community in which the citizens that came from other parts of the Habsburg Monarchy or even outside of it were well integrated.

U"terra interior", u BiH, kao i u njezinom okruženju, zaplelo se u izvitoperene forme demokracije, u demokrature, u ne-pravne i prazne države koje su porazile svoje građane. U njima se u osnovi i danas kontraproduktivno slijede modeli "nacije države", iluzija o preklapanju teritorijalnog i nacionalnog, identitarne jednosti, dok se u svijetu slijede logike transnacionalnih umreženja i jednakopravnosti građana svih oformljenih identiteta. Posebice u BiH se ne razumije vlastita identitarna višestrukost, te iz nje logična nužnost ukotvljenosti skupnih prava u individualna ljudska prava i slobode, pa potom skrb i o jednima i drugima u svakoj administrativnoj jedinici. Radi se o samoj suštini novog liberalizma i kulturološkog senzibilizma putem kojih se djeluje i u mnogonacionalnim državama s autohtono oformljenim identitetima i u polietničkim zajednicama s tzv. useljeničkim identitetima na formiranju političkih zajednica jednakopravnih građana svih identiteta. I u jednima i u drugima se primijenjuju demokratske metode upravljanja razlikama, u koje se ubrajaju: hegemonistička kontrola; arbitraža (intervencija treće strane); kantonizacija i/ili federalizacija; te konsocijativizam kao sporazumna podjela moći. U BiH i nije uopće moguće primijeniti iskustva tzv. hegemonističke kontrole ili ravnoteže, ma koliko sve tri ko-nacije rado izigravaju "hegemona", pa je nužna paradigma nenasilja i u mišljenju zasebitosti, navlastitosti i zajedništva u javnim politikama. Nažalost, takvo što nije u izgledu, jer skoro nitko ne razmišlja u kategorijama "svjetskog ethosa", ćudorednosti u unutarnjoj i vanjskoj politici, o balansima konsocijativne i većinske demokracije, o institucionalnoj jednakopravnosti, o ravnotežama nacionalnog i građanskog. Do toga bi se, pak, moglo i moralo stići putem međunacionalnih dijaloga, a ne unutar nacionalnih monologa, te nužnim kompromisom, jer se do održivih rješenja i ne može stići "ratom referata" i politikama sukobljavanja i zgađivanja (containment policy) međusobno bliskih identiteta u kulturološkom pogledu. I zbog toga bi se moralo žurno prestati oglušavati o odluke Europskog suda za ljudska prava u Strasbourgu, o rezolucije Europskog parlamenta i o poruke europskih čelnika o potrebi "zajedničkog upravljanja" i govora jednim glasom u ime BiH u odnosima i s EU i cijelim svijetom. BiH potrebuje "treći modus": alternativan pristup i etnonacionalističkom i tzv lijevo-građanskom redukcionizmu. Ma koliko bili majušni, možda bi Hrvati u BiH trebali - posvuda gdje su u većini - pokazati da je u BiH moguće napraviti "političku zajednicu" jednakopravnih građana svih ko-nacija i građana svih drugih identiteta. Možda bi ih potom i drugi slijedili? ; In "terra interior", in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in its surroundings, unnatural forms of democracy are imposed in the non-legal and empty states that have defeated their citizens. In them are followed contradictory models of "nation-states", an illusion of overlapping territorial and national, unity of identities, while in the world there are logics of transnational networking and equality of citizens of all created identities. Particularly in BiH, one does not understand its own plurality of identities, and the logical necessity of integrating collective rights into individual human rights and freedoms and then caring for one another in every administrative unit. It is about the very essence of the new liberalism and cultural sensibility through which it is operated in many multiethnic states with indigenous identities and in the polyethnic communities with the so-called immigrant identities on the formation of political communities of equal citizens of all identities. In both are applied democratic methods of government, which include: hegemonic control; arbitration (third party intervention); cantonization and/or federalization; and consociation as an agreement power division. In BiH, it is not possible to apply the so-called experiences of hegemonic control or equilibrium, no matter how much the three nations would gladly play "hegemons", so the paradigm of nonviolence is necessary in the thinking of detachment, peculiarities and common public policies. Unfortunately, this is unlikely because almost no one is thinking of the categories of "world ethos", of morality in internal and external politics, of the balances of the consociational and majority democracy, of institutional equality, of national and civil equilibrium. This could be achieved through inter-ethnic dialogues, not within national monologues, and with the necessary compromise, as sustainable solutions cannot be achieved through "verbal warfare" and politics of conflict and aggravation (containment policy) of mutually close identities in the cultural sense. And it should be promptly stopped with the denying of the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, the resolutions of the European Parliament and the messages of European leaders about the need for "shared rule" and speak through one-voice on behalf of BiH in relations with the EU and the world as a whole. In as much as they might be small in numbers, perhaps Croats in BiH should first - wherever they are majority- show that in BiH it is possible to create a "political community" of equal citizens of all co-nations and citizens of all other identities. Maybe the others would then follow them?