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The discovery of oil in Uganda in 2006 ushered in an oil-age era with new prospects of unforeseen riches. However, after an initial exploration boom developments stalled. Unlike other countries with major oil discoveries, Uganda has been slow in developing its oil. In fact, over ten years after the first discoveries, there is still no oil. During the time of the research for this book between 2012 and 2015, Uganda's oil had not yet fully materialised but was becoming. The overarching characteristic of this research project was waiting for the big changes to come: a waiting characterised by indeterminacy. There is a timeline but every year it gets expanded and in 2018 having oil still seems to belong to an uncertain future. This book looks at the waiting period as a time of not-yet-ness and describes the practices of future- and resource-making in Uganda. How did Ugandans handle the new resource wealth and how did they imagine their future with oil to be? This ethnography is concerned with Uganda's oil and the way Ugandans anticipated different futures with it: promising futures of wealth and development and disturbing futures of destruction and suffering. The book works out how uncertainty was an underlying feature of these anticipations and how risks and risk discourses shaped the imaginations of possible futures. Much of the talk around the oil involved the dichotomy of blessing or curse and it was not clear, which one the oil would be. Rather than adding another assessment of what the future with oil will be like, this book describes the predictions and prophesies as an essential part of how resources are being made. This ethnography shows how various actors in Uganda, from the state, the oil industry, the civil society, and the extractive communities, have tried to negotiate their position in the oil arena. Annika Witte argues in this book that by establishing their risks and using them as power resources actors can influence the becoming of oil as a resource and their own place in a petro-future. The book offers one of the first ethnographic accounts of Uganda's oil and the negotiations that took place in an oil state to be.

The discovery of oil in Uganda in 2006 ushered in an oil-age era with new prospects of unforeseen riches. However, after an initial exploration boom developments stalled. Unlike other countries with major oil discoveries, Uganda has been slow in developing its oil. In fact, over ten years after the first discoveries, there is still no oil. During the time of the research for this book between 2012 and 2015, Uganda's oil had not yet fully materialised but was becoming. The overarching characteristic of this research project was waiting for the big changes to come: a waiting characterised by indeterminacy. There is a timeline but every year it gets expanded and in 2018 having oil still seems to belong to an uncertain future. This book looks at the waiting period as a time of not-yet-ness and describes the practices of future- and resource-making in Uganda. How did Ugandans handle the new resource wealth and how did they imagine their future with oil to be? This ethnography is concerned with Uganda's oil and the way Ugandans anticipated different futures with it: promising futures of wealth and development and disturbing futures of destruction and suffering. The book works out how uncertainty was an underlying feature of these anticipations and how risks and risk discourses shaped the imaginations of possible futures. Much of the talk around the oil involved the dichotomy of blessing or curse and it was not clear, which one the oil would be. Rather than adding another assessment of what the future with oil will be like, this book describes the predictions and prophesies as an essential part of how resources are being made. This ethnography shows how various actors in Uganda, from the state, the oil industry, the civil society, and the extractive communities, have tried to negotiate their position in the oil arena. Annika Witte argues in this book that by establishing their risks and using them as power resources actors can influence the becoming of oil as a resource and their own place in a petro-future. The book offers one of the first ethnographic accounts of Uganda's oil and the negotiations that took place in an oil state to be.

Introduction -- Storytellers -- Difficult loves -- State loves -- The Haats -- Extractive relations -- Carbon fantasies and aspirations -- Carbon citizenship -- Epilogue: past, present, future.

The discovery of oil in Uganda in 2006 ushered in an oil-age era with new prospects of unforeseen riches. However, after an initial exploration boom developments stalled. Unlike other countries with major oil discoveries, Uganda has been slow in developing its oil. In fact, over ten years after the first discoveries, there is still no oil. During the time of the research for this book between 2012 and 2015, Uganda's oil had not yet fully materialised but was becoming. The overarching characteristic of this research project was waiting for the big changes to come: a waiting characterised by indeterminacy. There is a timeline but every year it gets expanded and in 2018 having oil still seems to belong to an uncertain future. This book looks at the waiting period as a time of not-yet-ness and describes the practices of future- and resource-making in Uganda. How did Ugandans handle the new resource wealth and how did they imagine their future with oil to be? This ethnography is concerned with Uganda's oil and the way Ugandans anticipated different futures with it: promising futures of wealth and development and disturbing futures of destruction and suffering. The book works out how uncertainty was an underlying feature of these anticipations and how risks and risk discourses shaped the imaginations of possible futures. Much of the talk around the oil involved the dichotomy of blessing or curse and it was not clear, which one the oil would be. Rather than adding another assessment of what the future with oil will be like, this book describes the predictions and prophesies as an essential part of how resources are being made. This ethnography shows how various actors in Uganda, from the state, the oil industry, the civil society, and the extractive communities, have tried to negotiate their position in the oil arena. Annika Witte argues in this book that by establishing their risks and using them as power resources actors can influence the becoming of oil as a resource and their own place in a petro-future. The book offers one of the first ethnographic accounts of Uganda's oil and the negotiations that took place in an oil state to be. (Back cover)

The discovery of oil in Uganda in 2006 ushered in an oil-age era with new prospects of unforeseen riches. However, after an initial exploration boom developments stalled. Unlike other countries with major oil discoveries, Uganda has been slow in developing its oil. In fact, over ten years after the first discoveries, there is still no oil. During the time of the research for this book between 2012 and 2015, Uganda's oil had not yet fully materialised but was becoming. The overarching characteristic of this research project was waiting for the big changes to come: a waiting characterised by indeterminacy. There is a timeline but every year it gets expanded and in 2018 having oil still seems to belong to an uncertain future. This book looks at the waiting period as a time of not-yet-ness and describes the practices of future- and resource-making in Uganda. How did Ugandans handle the new resource wealth and how did they imagine their future with oil to be? This ethnography is concerned with Uganda's oil and the way Ugandans anticipated different futures with it: promising futures of wealth and development and disturbing futures of destruction and suffering. The book works out how uncertainty was an underlying feature of these anticipations and how risks and risk discourses shaped the imaginations of possible futures. Much of the talk around the oil involved the dichotomy of blessing or curse and it was not clear, which one the oil would be. Rather than adding another assessment of what the future with oil will be like, this book describes the predictions and prophesies as an essential part of how resources are being made. This ethnography shows how various actors in Uganda, from the state, the oil industry, the civil society, and the extractive communities, have tried to negotiate their position in the oil arena. Annika Witte argues in this book that by establishing their risks and using them as power resources actors can influence the becoming of oil as a resource and their own place in a petro-future. The book offers one of the first ethnographic accounts of Uganda's oil and the negotiations that took place in an oil state to be.

For many developing countries, natural resource exports such as oil, diamonds and copper continue to be important drivers for economic growth and provide a unique opportunity for generating revenues for much-needed infrastructure and human development. Dependence on extractive resources, however, may also increase the likelihood of underdevelopment, fragility and conflict. The challenges for managing these resources efficiently are likely to expand, as a growing number of developing countries and fragile states emerge as oil and mineral producers. Thus, there is a need to gain a better understanding of the factors that may help prevent violent conflict in resource rich countries. This paper proposes that one way of gaining such understanding and insight is to "conflict-sensitize" the Extractive Industries Value Chain (EIVC), and use it as a framework for conflict prevention in resource-rich countries. In this context, the report's main objective is to examine the potential opportunities for conflict prevention along the extractive industries value chain. Such a body of knowledge can help the World Bank, the UN and EU, as well as client countries and other partners, in their planning and coordination of complementary activities when implementing their programmes and projects, particularly when working in the same resource-rich countries. This paper aims to demonstrate the feasibility and challenges faced by adopting a conflict-sensitive approach within the World Bank's EI Value Chain. The methodology used was a combined desk review and in-depth interviews with regional and country specialists, especially in governance/conflict prevention and extractive industries (Annex 1). The emphasis is on qualitative analysis. The four countries that were desk reviewed for the project, including Chile, Peru, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Zambia, are all copper producers and were selected due to their heavy dependence on revenues from mining. This book is arranged as follows: (i) part one explains extractives, conflict prevention and the value chain; (ii) part two is about the EI value chain as framework for conflict prevention; (iii) part three talks about emerging themes and recommendation; and (iv) part four describes the four country examples and the emerging lessons.

Uganda has made significant progress in codifying the rights of access to information (ATI) and participation and toward putting in place the institutional infrastructure, including a regulatory framework for the oil sector. Political roll-backs that are re-concentrating power in the executive branch of government and the growing scale of known oil reserves however, may jeopardize these advances. This paper reviews the Petroleum Bill in terms of exemptions to ATI. The government has not released to the public, or even to Parliament, important information regarding the oil sector, including the five Production Sharing Agreements (PSAs) with oil exploration companies.

Corruption and sustainability remain central themes in the study of energy and climate governance as well as energy transitions. Almost half of the human population globally (3.5 billion people) resides in countries with large endowments of fossil fuels or minerals, yet many governments and companies operating in these countries do not release timely, full, open, transparent data about the extraction of those resources or the revenues produced. Many academic theorists have suggested that transparency—"timely and reliable economic, social and political information accessible to all relevant stakeholders" —can partially counteract some of the governance challenges facing the energy sector and improve social welfare. The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) operates on the principle of having accountable and transparent assessments of the ways that extractive industries companies interact with governments and moderate their social and economic impacts. As of early 2020, its revenue transparency standards were being implemented in 52 countries, and it included almost $2.5 trillion in government revenues from oil, gas, and mining spread across more than 300 years of report coverage. Does the transparency promulgated by the EITI produce better governance and development outcomes in EITI compliant countries? Does it accelerate or retard a transition to lower-carbon forms of energy? Using a unique dataset of 218 countries, the paper quantitatively assesses the correlative performance of the first 12 countries to attain EITI compliant status on a series of metrics over the period 2000 to 2020 compared to all non-EITI countries. These 12 EITI Compliant Countries reported 57 separate revenue streams covering oil, gas, and minerals; involved 652 companies; and were responsible for $169 billion in government revenue when they joined the EITI, meaning they represented a sizable chunk of EITI assets at that time.

The consequences of foreign direct investment (FDI) for human rights protection are poorly understood. We propose that the impact of FDI varies across industries. In particular, extractive firms in the oil and mining industries go where the resources are located and are bound to such investment, which creates a status quo bias among them when it comes to supporting repressive rulers ("location-bound effect"). The same is not true for nonextractive multinational corporations (MNCs) in manufacturing or services, which can, in comparison, exit problematic countries more easily. We also propose that strong democratic institutions can alleviate negative impacts of extractive FDI on human rights ("democratic safeguard effect"). Using U.S. FDI broken up into extractive and nonextractive industries in 157 host countries (1999–2015), we find support for these propositions.1 Extractive FDI is associated with more human rights abuse, but nonextractive FDI is associated with less abuse, after controlling for other factors, including concerns about endogeneity. We find also that the negative human rights impact of extractive FDI vanishes in countries where democratic institutions are stronger. Our results are robust to a range of alternative estimation techniques. ; acceptedVersion ; © 2020. This is the authors' accepted and refereed manuscript to the article. This manuscript version is made available under the CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0 license http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/

Previously published as: Witter, S. & Jakobsen, M. (2017) Choices for spending government revenue: New African oil, gas, and mining economies. WIDER Working Paper 2017/150. Helsinki: UNU-WIDER. Deposited in this repository at: https://eresearch.qmu.ac.uk/handle/20.500.12289/4732 ; Extractives projects have the potential to contribute to improved human development, but this is not guaranteed. It is well understood that translating natural resources into individuals living longer and healthier lives, gaining a good education, and having a decent standard of living requires strategic planning and policy choices based around individual country contexts. ; https://www.wider.unu.edu/publication/extractive-industries ; pub ; pub

This research was conducted by Dr Sophie Bond (University of Otago), Dr Gradon Diprose (Open Polytechnic) and Dr Amanda Thomas (Victoria University of Wellington), with research assistance from Jule Barth and Sonja Bohn, funded by the University of Otago, Open Polytechnic and Victoria University of Wellington. Nga Mihi - Acknowledgements We would like to thank all of the research participants who volunteered their time and energy to take part in this research, and their ongoing work to demand and imagine a more just society. We are particularly grateful to a number of activist participants who provided feedback on earlier drafts of this report. We would also like to thank: The University of Otago, the Open Polytechnic and Victoria University of Wellington for funding this research Phillipa Clark for creating the illustrations throughout this publication, Seán Dunne for layout and design, and Oil Free Otago for granting us the use of the photograph on page four. To cite this report: Bond, S., Diprose, G., Thomas, AC., (2018) Seeking Climate Justice. Findings report on Oil Free Activism and Oil and Gas Developments 2013-2016. Published by the Climate Justice Research Collective, Dunedin and Wellington, Aotearoa New Zealand. ; While nationally and globally there continues to be demand for genuine responses to climate change, some states and industry groups are attempting to actively limit public debate about these issues (see for example, Swyngedouw, 2013). This is often done by pitting economic growth against environmental protection (Diprose, Thomas, & Bond, 2016), and criminalising protest against protest against profitable extractive industries. These international trends have been noted in Aotearoa New Zealand (see Bond, Diprose, & McGregor, 2015), but the extent has yet to be investigated. We therefore explore the extent to which democratic debates around oil and gas developments are constrained in Aotearoa New Zealand, what processes are used to close down public engagement, and how these processes are experienced and contested by activist groups concerned about climate change.