Recent trends towards openness and technical connectivity have offered the ability to drive massive social and economic change; however they demand a redefinition of relationships. We have observed a move from a polarized world where companies operate in economic markets while governments drive social progress, to an interconnected, networked world of shared resources and co-creation. One of the trends driving this change is open government data. This paper presents a framework of four value generating mechanisms from use of OGD. The framework makes it easier to compare and communicate different pathways to value generation, while highlighting the current tensions between the private/public and economic/social domains. Our proposition is that these tensions bring about possibilites for synergies and value enhancement.
Recent trends towards openness and technical connectivity have offered the ability to drive massive social and economic change; however they demand a redefinition of relationships. We have observed a move from a polarized world where companies operate in economic markets while governments drive social progress, to an interconnected, networked world of shared resources and co-creation. One of the trends driving this change is open government data. This paper presents a framework of four value generating mechanisms from use of OGD. The framework makes it easier to compare and communicate different pathways to value generation, while highlighting the current tensions between the private/public and economic/social domains. Our proposition is that these tensions bring about possibilites for synergies and value enhancement.
The objective of this thesis is to explore in greater depth the process of creating a public health observatory and the processing of the information needed to take territorial decisions in the county of Alt Empordà. The outcome is the creation of Indika, the Health and Social Pole of the Alt Empordà. Indika is a public health agency that acts as the territory's health and well-being agent. The objective of Indika is to generate knowledge about the impact of social determinants of health in Alt Empordà. To do so, it uses a working framework based on three points: to inform, to discuss, and to act. This working framework served to produce the visual information solutions, including infographics, collections of indicators, and a web application whose purpose is to portray the existing problems in the territory to start debate with the different political and social agents to take decisions on improvement initiatives. Apart from creating a public health observatory, two parallel lines of action have also been developed in this thesis: the creation of public structures to store information based on events as a way of structuring medical information. These two lines of investigation have resulted in the creation of the "Indika Data Repository", an information repository about the county of Alt Empordà, using the collaborative platform GitHub and the implementation of the eventr package in R programming language, and currently published in the Comprehensive R Archive Network. Eventr is a package whose purpose is to facilitate the implementation of architectures based on events ; Aquesta tesi té com a objectiu aprofundir en el procés de creació d'un observatori de salut pública i el tractament de la informació necessària per a la presa de decisions territorials a la comarca de l'Alt Empordà. El resultat ha estat la creació d'Indika pol de salut i social de l'Alt Empordà. Indika és un observatori de salut pública que actua com a agent de salut i benestar del territori. L'objectiu d'Indika és generar coneixement sobre ...
The objective of this thesis is to explore in greater depth the process of creating a public health observatory and the processing of the information needed to take territorial decisions in the county of Alt Empordà. The outcome is the creation of Indika, the Health and Social Pole of the Alt Empordà. Indika is a public health agency that acts as the territory's health and well-being agent. The objective of Indika is to generate knowledge about the impact of social determinants of health in Alt Empordà. To do so, it uses a working framework based on three points: to inform, to discuss, and to act. This working framework served to produce the visual information solutions, including infographics, collections of indicators, and a web application whose purpose is to portray the existing problems in the territory to start debate with the different political and social agents to take decisions on improvement initiatives. Apart from creating a public health observatory, two parallel lines of action have also been developed in this thesis: the creation of public structures to store information based on events as a way of structuring medical information. These two lines of investigation have resulted in the creation of the "Indika Data Repository", an information repository about the county of Alt Empordà, using the collaborative platform GitHub and the implementation of the eventr package in R programming language, and currently published in the Comprehensive R Archive Network. Eventr is a package whose purpose is to facilitate the implementation of architectures based on events ; Aquesta tesi té com a objectiu aprofundir en el procés de creació d'un observatori de salut pública i el tractament de la informació necessària per a la presa de decisions territorials a la comarca de l'Alt Empordà. El resultat ha estat la creació d'Indika pol de salut i social de l'Alt Empordà. Indika és un observatori de salut pública que actua com a agent de salut i benestar del territori. L'objectiu d'Indika és generar coneixement sobre ...
A partir de 2011 se ha reforzado el gobierno económico de la UE a través de seis instrumentos legislativos, el llamado Six Pack, que supone fundamentalmente una reforma de la supervisión de la política presupuestaria de los Estados miembros. Más recientemente el Tratado de estabilidad, coordinación y gobernanza de UE de marzo de 2012 (TECGUE) establece un conjunto de normas destinadas a promover la disciplina presupuestaria a través de un pacto presupuestario a reforzar la coordinación de sus políticas económicas y a mejorar la gobernanza de la zona del euro. En el presente trabajo se analiza si este modelo basado en una estricta disciplina presupuestaria es compatible con los postulados del Estado social, y más concretamente con los principios de justicia del gasto público. En efecto, a partir de la reforma del art. 135 de la Constitución Española, el principio de estabilidad presupuestaria debe ser interpretado coordinadamente con otros principios constitucionales que en el momento presente están plenamente vigentes y pueden adquirir una nueva función: la de actuar como límite y medida del objetivo de estabilidad presupuestaria. Del mismo modo se analizan los principios de coordinación entre las políticas presupuestarias y de endeudamiento de los Estados miembros en un Estado con una pluralidad de Haciendas, como es el caso español. ; From 2011 onwards, the Economic Governance of the EU on the Member States has been strengthened through six main instruments of legislation, the so-called Six Pack, which is primarily a supervision reform of the Member States budgetary policy. More recently Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance of EU from March 2012 (TECGUE) establishes a set of rules aimed to promote the budgetary discipline through a fiscal pact, to strengthen the coordination of their economic policies and to improve governance within the euro area. In this paper we analyze whether this model based on a strict budgetary discipline is well-matched with the tenets of the welfare state, and more specifically with the public spending principles of justice. Indeed, since the reform of art. 135 of the Spanish Constitution, the principle of budgetary stability should be interpreted in coordination with other constitutional principles which at present are in full force and can acquire a new role: to operate as a boundary and a extent of the budgetary stability objective. Similarly, principles of coordination between the General Government Debt and Budgetary Policies of the Member States within a state with a plurality of Public Finances, such as the Spanish case, have been also analyzed.
Sentralforvaltningen her til lands har de siste tiårene blitt internasjonalisert. Globale spørsmål legger beslag på stadig større ressurser i staten, men samordningen mellom departementene har ikke utviklet seg i samme takt. Norsk utenrikspolitikk ligger derfor ikke bare fast, den ligger også spredt. Komplekse globale utfordringer (terror, klimaendringer, pandemier, biodiversitet, cybertrusler, migrasjon m.v.) krever et langt tettere samarbeid for blant annet å reversere økt fragmentering – i en offentlig sektor hvor vi er satt opp med sterke fagdepartementer og svake samordningsmekanismer. Samtidig innvarsler byggingen av det nye regjeringskvartalet endringer i måten norsk (utenriks)politikk vil bli gjennomført på. Forholdet mellom fagspesialister og diplomatiske generalister blir tettere og vil utfordre den diplomatiske rollen og selvforståelsen på nye måter. Diplomatiets kjerneoppgaver vil endres. Blant annet vil langt bedre koordinering bli en hovedutfordring for utenrikspolitikken. Artikkelen trekker derfor opp noen problemstillinger og forslag som innspill til debatten,
Abstract in English:Track IV: The Future of DiplomacyOver the past decades, Norwegian ministries have become more internationalized. Global issues take up ever more of their time and resources, but cross-sectorial coordination has been lagging behind. Norwegian foreign policy is therefore fragmented. Complex global challenges (terrorism, climate change, pandemics, biodiversity, cyber threats, migration, etc.) call for much closer inter-ministerial cooperation to reverse increased fragmentation – in a public sector where sectorial responsibilities are strong and coordination mechanisms few. The new block housing most of the offices of the Government in central Oslo is a signal change for how Norwegian foreign policies will be conducted in the years ahead. Sector specialists and diplomatic generalists will move closer together, working under the same roof, and this will challenge the classic diplomatic role and the way diplomats look at themselves. Our core tasks will change. Improved coordination will move to the forefront of the work we do. The article presents an idea or two for a much-needed debate.
'Writing is a process; the act of transforming thoughts into print requires a non-linear sequence of stages or creative acts' (James B. Gray, cited by Cassany, 1993). I would add that it is also the act of transforming experience. This article describes my own personal process of transformation in the experience and understanding of vulnerable employment - a slow, open, recursive and difficult process. The first, academic, section flows easily. Then things get harder. The auto-ethnography was the most challenging part. Firstly because it was a matter of personal reflection; then because of a having to strip naked, as it were. Finding a reasonably elegant and flexible way to link the two sections was demanding, and one of the objectives of the exercise was to reach a satisfactorily readable end result.
Økonomien er selve grundlaget for vores samfundsindretning og for politikken. Men den økonomiske videnskab har med sine stadig mere abstrakte og matematiske modeller mistet realitetssansen og mangler forankring i den sociale, menneskelige virkelighed, som den faktisk ser ud. I?Økonomien og virkeligheden? tager professor emeritus Katarina Juselius et sagligt, indefrakommende opgør med det dominerende økonomiske paradigme, med finanskapitalismen og ikke mindst med det politiske system. Et system som for længe kritikløst har underlagt sig videnskabeligt usikre økonomiske teorier med ulighed og ødelæggelse af både den sociale sammenhængskraft og naturgrundlaget til følge. Katarina Juselius (f. 1943) er økonom, økonometriker og professor emeritus ved Økonomisk Institut på Københavns Universitet, hvor hun var professor fra 1985 til 2014. I 1990?erne var Katarina Juselius den ottende mest citerede økonom i verden
In defence of democracy -- Legal -- Summary -- Preface -- Presentation by Miquel Caminal -- Presentation by Francesc Xavier Grau1 -- Introduction -- Translator's Note -- Democracy -- Liberalism -- Democracy and corporatism -- Spiritual problems -- The crisis of democracy -- The defects of democracy -- The objectivity of democracy -- The stability of democracy -- The relativity of democracy -- On equality among men -- Universal suffrage -- The criterion of quality in voting -- Social classification -- Truth in this world -- Parliament and democracy -- Party spirit -- Mysticism and democracy
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Av historiska, ekonomiska och säkerhetspolitiska orsaker är Finland ett "minst sannolikt fall" (least likely case) vad gäller oro över kinesiska investeringar. Finland har inom EU haft det högsta relativa handelsberoendet av Kina. Sedan år 2016 är Finland även ett av de EU-länder som fått mest investeringar från Kina absolut sett. Finland, som inte är NATO-medlem, har oproblematiska relationer till Kina och en öppen ekonomi, som ännu för några år sedan välkomnade kinesiska investeringar. Landet har också en ovanligt lång obruten tradition av inhemsk lagstiftning om utländska investeringar som sedan 1992 kan betecknas som liberal. Under de senaste två åren har det emellertid bland policyeliten och i den allmänna diskussionen skett en drastisk förändring i synen på kinesiska investeringar som närmast kan betecknas som en gestalt shift. En påföljd av detta är att behovet av en bättre helhetsbild om kinesiska investeringar har identifierats. Informationsutbyte och koordinering mellan olika myndigheter har förbättrats på många sätt. Samtidigt har man även fördjupat nordiskt myndighetssamarbete och informationsutbyte om relevant lagstiftning och praxis inom området. Även om samarbete kring utländska investeringar inte ingick i Stoltenberg-rekommendationerna år 2009, så kan man se det som ett naturligt led i intensifierat nordiskt säkerhetssamarbete.
Abstract in English:The Canary That Fell Silent. Finland's Gestalt Shift on Chinese InvestmentsFor a mixture of historical, economic and security policy reasons Finland can be regarded as a least likely case with regard to apprehensiveness over Chinese investments. Within the EU, Finland has had the highest relative trade dependence on China. Since 2016, Finland is also one of the EU member states that have attracted the most Chinese investment in absolute terms. Finland, which is not a NATO member, has unproblematic relations with China and an open economy that up until a few years ago welcomed Chinese investments. The country also has an unusually long unbroken tradition of domestic legislation regarding foreign investments, which since 1992 can be characterised as liberal. However, during the last two years, there has been a drastic change in views on Chinese investments, both among the policy elite and in the public debate. This change can be regarded as a veritable gestalt shift. As a corollary, a need for a better overview of Chinese investments has been identified. Information exchange and coordination between various governmental departments has been improved in several ways. Simultaneously, cooperation and information exchange between relevant Nordic authorities regarding relevant legislation and praxis has also deepened. Although the 2009 Stoltenberg recommendations did not encompass cooperation on foreign investments, this can be seen as a natural leg in intensified Nordic security cooperation.
