Recent trends towards openness and technical connectivity have offered the ability to drive massive social and economic change; however they demand a redefinition of relationships. We have observed a move from a polarized world where companies operate in economic markets while governments drive social progress, to an interconnected, networked world of shared resources and co-creation. One of the trends driving this change is open government data. This paper presents a framework of four value generating mechanisms from use of OGD. The framework makes it easier to compare and communicate different pathways to value generation, while highlighting the current tensions between the private/public and economic/social domains. Our proposition is that these tensions bring about possibilites for synergies and value enhancement.
Recent trends towards openness and technical connectivity have offered the ability to drive massive social and economic change; however they demand a redefinition of relationships. We have observed a move from a polarized world where companies operate in economic markets while governments drive social progress, to an interconnected, networked world of shared resources and co-creation. One of the trends driving this change is open government data. This paper presents a framework of four value generating mechanisms from use of OGD. The framework makes it easier to compare and communicate different pathways to value generation, while highlighting the current tensions between the private/public and economic/social domains. Our proposition is that these tensions bring about possibilites for synergies and value enhancement.
Sentralforvaltningen her til lands har de siste tiårene blitt internasjonalisert. Globale spørsmål legger beslag på stadig større ressurser i staten, men samordningen mellom departementene har ikke utviklet seg i samme takt. Norsk utenrikspolitikk ligger derfor ikke bare fast, den ligger også spredt. Komplekse globale utfordringer (terror, klimaendringer, pandemier, biodiversitet, cybertrusler, migrasjon m.v.) krever et langt tettere samarbeid for blant annet å reversere økt fragmentering – i en offentlig sektor hvor vi er satt opp med sterke fagdepartementer og svake samordningsmekanismer. Samtidig innvarsler byggingen av det nye regjeringskvartalet endringer i måten norsk (utenriks)politikk vil bli gjennomført på. Forholdet mellom fagspesialister og diplomatiske generalister blir tettere og vil utfordre den diplomatiske rollen og selvforståelsen på nye måter. Diplomatiets kjerneoppgaver vil endres. Blant annet vil langt bedre koordinering bli en hovedutfordring for utenrikspolitikken. Artikkelen trekker derfor opp noen problemstillinger og forslag som innspill til debatten,
Abstract in English:Track IV: The Future of DiplomacyOver the past decades, Norwegian ministries have become more internationalized. Global issues take up ever more of their time and resources, but cross-sectorial coordination has been lagging behind. Norwegian foreign policy is therefore fragmented. Complex global challenges (terrorism, climate change, pandemics, biodiversity, cyber threats, migration, etc.) call for much closer inter-ministerial cooperation to reverse increased fragmentation – in a public sector where sectorial responsibilities are strong and coordination mechanisms few. The new block housing most of the offices of the Government in central Oslo is a signal change for how Norwegian foreign policies will be conducted in the years ahead. Sector specialists and diplomatic generalists will move closer together, working under the same roof, and this will challenge the classic diplomatic role and the way diplomats look at themselves. Our core tasks will change. Improved coordination will move to the forefront of the work we do. The article presents an idea or two for a much-needed debate.
Økonomien er selve grundlaget for vores samfundsindretning og for politikken. Men den økonomiske videnskab har med sine stadig mere abstrakte og matematiske modeller mistet realitetssansen og mangler forankring i den sociale, menneskelige virkelighed, som den faktisk ser ud. I?Økonomien og virkeligheden? tager professor emeritus Katarina Juselius et sagligt, indefrakommende opgør med det dominerende økonomiske paradigme, med finanskapitalismen og ikke mindst med det politiske system. Et system som for længe kritikløst har underlagt sig videnskabeligt usikre økonomiske teorier med ulighed og ødelæggelse af både den sociale sammenhængskraft og naturgrundlaget til følge. Katarina Juselius (f. 1943) er økonom, økonometriker og professor emeritus ved Økonomisk Institut på Københavns Universitet, hvor hun var professor fra 1985 til 2014. I 1990?erne var Katarina Juselius den ottende mest citerede økonom i verden
Av historiska, ekonomiska och säkerhetspolitiska orsaker är Finland ett "minst sannolikt fall" (least likely case) vad gäller oro över kinesiska investeringar. Finland har inom EU haft det högsta relativa handelsberoendet av Kina. Sedan år 2016 är Finland även ett av de EU-länder som fått mest investeringar från Kina absolut sett. Finland, som inte är NATO-medlem, har oproblematiska relationer till Kina och en öppen ekonomi, som ännu för några år sedan välkomnade kinesiska investeringar. Landet har också en ovanligt lång obruten tradition av inhemsk lagstiftning om utländska investeringar som sedan 1992 kan betecknas som liberal. Under de senaste två åren har det emellertid bland policyeliten och i den allmänna diskussionen skett en drastisk förändring i synen på kinesiska investeringar som närmast kan betecknas som en gestalt shift. En påföljd av detta är att behovet av en bättre helhetsbild om kinesiska investeringar har identifierats. Informationsutbyte och koordinering mellan olika myndigheter har förbättrats på många sätt. Samtidigt har man även fördjupat nordiskt myndighetssamarbete och informationsutbyte om relevant lagstiftning och praxis inom området. Även om samarbete kring utländska investeringar inte ingick i Stoltenberg-rekommendationerna år 2009, så kan man se det som ett naturligt led i intensifierat nordiskt säkerhetssamarbete.
Abstract in English:The Canary That Fell Silent. Finland's Gestalt Shift on Chinese InvestmentsFor a mixture of historical, economic and security policy reasons Finland can be regarded as a least likely case with regard to apprehensiveness over Chinese investments. Within the EU, Finland has had the highest relative trade dependence on China. Since 2016, Finland is also one of the EU member states that have attracted the most Chinese investment in absolute terms. Finland, which is not a NATO member, has unproblematic relations with China and an open economy that up until a few years ago welcomed Chinese investments. The country also has an unusually long unbroken tradition of domestic legislation regarding foreign investments, which since 1992 can be characterised as liberal. However, during the last two years, there has been a drastic change in views on Chinese investments, both among the policy elite and in the public debate. This change can be regarded as a veritable gestalt shift. As a corollary, a need for a better overview of Chinese investments has been identified. Information exchange and coordination between various governmental departments has been improved in several ways. Simultaneously, cooperation and information exchange between relevant Nordic authorities regarding relevant legislation and praxis has also deepened. Although the 2009 Stoltenberg recommendations did not encompass cooperation on foreign investments, this can be seen as a natural leg in intensified Nordic security cooperation.
Russisk påvirkning av presidentvalget i 2016 har skapt frykt for manipulasjon av valg i Vesten. Både EU og USA forventer at trusselen vedvarer, og at nye metoder og kapasiteter utvikles. Artikkelen beskriver hva valgpåvirkning er, og hvordan slik påvirkning gjennomføres. Den gjør en systematisk gjennomgang av litteratur om beskyttelse av valg, og funnene sammenfattes i seks temaer med til sammen 38 mulige tiltak for å hindre valgpåvirkning: 1) bevisstgjøring; 2) forebygging; 3) samarbeide og koordinering; 4) beskyttende tiltak; 5) aktive mottiltak og avskrekking; 6) forskning, læring og kompetansebygging. Alle tiltak krever nøye vurdering av økonomiske, politiske, juridiske, praktiske og andre implikasjoner, samt særlig forholdet til demokrati og ytringsfrihet. Avslutningsvis påpekes fire problemstillinger som særlig aktuelle for videre vurdering: 1) bevisstgjøring via medier, samt målrettet mot partier og valgorganisasjon; 2) en helhetlig gjennomgang av trusler, sårbarhet og beskyttelsestiltak, særlig datasikkerhet; 3) forskning og utvikling; 4) avskrekking og eksponering av påvirkning. Mange tiltak er inngripende, særlig i forhold til demokrati, ytringsfrihet, sensur og selvsensur, og de viktigste utfordringer, begrensninger og kritikk mot restriktive tiltak gjennomgås. Vi må unngå at tiltak for å beskytte demokratiet i seg selv undergraver demokratiet.
Abstract in English:How Can Elections Be Protected Against Foreign Interference?Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election have caused fear for manipulation of elections in the West. Both the EU and the US see this as a persistent threat and expect new methods and capabilities to emerge. This article describes election interference and how it has been conducted. It reviews literature about protection of elections, and summarises the findings in six themes with a total of 38 possible measures: 1) awareness, 2) prevention, 3) cooperation and coordination, 4) protective measures, 5) active countermeasures and deterrence, 6) research and competence building. All measures require careful consideration of economic, political, legal, practical and other implications, and especially consequences for democracy and freedom of speech. Finally, four issues are proposed as particularly relevant for further consideration: 1) awareness through media, and also especially targeted at political parties and the election organisation, 2) a comprehensive assessment of threats, vulnerabilities and protective measures, especially in terms of data protection, 3) research and development, 4) deterrence and exposure of interference. Many of the measures are far-reaching when it comes to democracy, freedom of speech, censorship and self-censorship, and the article reviews challenges, limitations and critique of such restrictive measures. It is essential that measures to protect democracy in themselves do not undermine democracy.
eGovernment and autoritative public data in Denmark are still mainly focused on the landside of Danmark. But the need of eloborating the coordinating effort of administration at sea is recognised and the development of maritime eGovernment is happening within the next years. This paper discusses the data involved in this administration and focuses on the need for understanding the function and hence value of data. Some maritime data are dealing with accurate placements of objects, and as a tricky part some are dealing with floating placement. Other data are handling non-visible areas in terms of zoning, e.g. planning and interest areas and finally some data are representation of legislation, whether it is rights or restrictions. These different data are not always usable in the same manner. This paper investigates the correlation between spatial data and legislation. Experience from many years of land administration can be used as part of this discussion as well as the conclusions from this paper can be discussion as input to the ongoing development on land.
eGovernment and autoritative public data in Denmark are still mainly focused on the landside of Danmark. But the need of eloborating the coordinating effort of administration at sea is recognised and the development of maritime eGovernment is happening within the next years. This paper discusses the data involved in this administration and focuses on the need for understanding the function and hence value of data. Some maritime data are dealing with accurate placements of objects, and as a tricky part some are dealing with floating placement. Other data are handling non-visible areas in terms of zoning, e.g. planning and interest areas and finally some data are representation of legislation, whether it is rights or restrictions. These different data are not always usable in the same manner. This paper investigates the correlation between spatial data and legislation. Experience from many years of land administration can be used as part of this discussion as well as the conclusions from this paper can be discussion as input to the ongoing development on land.
