Part 1: Semantic Concepts and Open Data ; International audience ; Open Data is a current trend in sharing data on the Web. Public sector bodies maintain large amounts of data that, if re-used, could be a source of significant benefits. Therefore Open Government Data initiatives have been launched in many countries in order to increase availability of openly licensed and machine-readable government data. Because Open Data publishers face various challenges, methods for publication of Open Data are emerging. However these methods differ in focus, scope and structure which might complicate selection of a method that would suit specific needs of an organization. In this paper we discuss the possible benefits of constructing Open Data publication methods from a meta-model and we use the Software and Systems Process Engineering Meta-Model version 2.0 to analyze similarities and differences in structure of three Open Data publication methods.
The aim of this paper is to capture and explain the differential influences of non-binding agreements (i.e., soft law) launched by the European Union. More specifically, this piece proposes a theoretical framework to understand why and how the European Employment Strategy has affected domestic settings in Belgium, Spain, and Sweden in similar and different ways. To answer this question, I develop a theoretical toolbox to guide researchers who study and analyze policy areas ruled by non-binding agreements. More specifically, to develop my arguments, I focus on four types of internalization: 1) legal, 2) political, 3) intra-governmental, and 4) governmental-societal. The paper seeks to contribute to the literatures on Europeanisation and 'second image reversed' by developing theoretical propositions about the domestic factors that facilitate and hinder the internalization of supranational non-binding regulations on EU Member States. In addition, the paper seeks to make a contribution to the literature on welfare states in advanced industrial states as I argue that contemporary accounts of European welfare state reform ought to consider the articulation of rules outside the realm of nation-states, specifically those launched by the supranational level, given that these soft mandates have the capacity to subtly transform domestic policies and institutions.
Since 2008, the European Union, and especially the Eurozone, is hit by a deep economic crisis that translates into rising unemployment, rising poverty rates, and rising inequalities. Even if some countries, like Italy, Greece, Portugal,and Spain, face more serious social challenges than others, similar trends occur almost everywhere. However, we should remember that even before the crisis the social situation was deteriorating in many European countries, despite the factthat an "open method of coordination" (OMC) on social inclusion had been launched by the European Commission in 2000.Of course, one could hardly deny the fact that the crisis actually amplifies these social problems. In this paper, I will nevertheless argue that it would be too simplistic to have an exclusive focus on the current economic downturn. Indeed, in order to think about new welfare strategies, we need to look at what has failed in the policies that have been designed so far. When they do so, an increasing number of researchers now conclude that some of the social policies that were implemented during the 2000s, i.e. during the first decade of the OMC on social inclusion, had a very limited impact – or even a negative impact – on social justice across Europe. My modest aim is to look at some of these policies, first at a general level (section 1), and second at a more specific level, through some illustrative examples in one member-state, Belgium (section 2). The following sections are not based on first-hand research, but are rather aimed at reviewing the most interesting features of the current academic discussion in Belgium. The paper relies especially – although not exclusively – on research conducted by experts at Belgium's most advanced research centre in social policy, the Herman Deleeck Centre for Social Policy at the University of Antwerp. ; Desde 2008, la Unión Europea, y en particular, la Eurozona, ha sido golpeada por una profunda crisis económica que se ha traducido en un crecimiento del desempleo, las tasas de pobreza y las desigualdades. Aunque algunos países como Italia, Grecia, Portugal y España hacen frente a cambios sociales más serios, éstos se están produciendo con idéntico sentido en todas partes. No obstante, se debe recordar que incluso antes de la crisis, la situación social se había deteriorado en muchos países europeos, a pesar de que "el método abiertode coordinación" (OMC) se había puesto en marcha por la Comisión Europea en el año 2000. Nadie puede negar que la crisis haya acentuado e intensificado estos problemas sociales. En este artículo, sin embargo, se tratará de argumentar que resulta demasiado simplista centrarse exclusivamente en la actual crisis. De hecho, de cara a idear nuevas estrategias de bienestar, es necesario saber qué es lo que ha fallado en las políticas diseñadas tiempo atrás. Muchos investigadores sostienen que algunas de las políticas sociales implementadas durante los 2000, esto es, durante la primera década del OMC sobre inclusión social, han tenido un impacto muy limitado o incluso unas consecuencias negativas en Europa. El modesto propósito de este trabajo, es analizar algunas de estas políticas, primero a nivel general (sección 1), y en segundo lugar a un nivel más específico, a través de ejemplos ilustrativos de un Estado miembro: Bélgica (sección 2). Este trabajo no está basado en investigaciones de primera mano, pero sí en las investigaciones más relevantes de la discusión académica que hoy está presente en Bélgica. El documento se basa especialmente - aunque no exclusivamente - en la investigación llevada a cabo por expertos en el centro de investigación en política social más avanzado de Bélgica, el Herman Deleeck Centre for Social Policy de la Universidad de Amberes.
Since 2008, the European Union, and especially the Eurozone, is hit by a deep economic crisis that translates into rising unemployment, rising poverty rates, and rising inequalities. Even if some countries, like Italy, Greece, Portugal,and Spain, face more serious social challenges than others, similar trends occur almost everywhere. However, we should remember that even before the crisis the social situation was deteriorating in many European countries, despite the factthat an "open method of coordination" (OMC) on social inclusion had been launched by the European Commission in 2000.Of course, one could hardly deny the fact that the crisis actually amplifies these social problems. In this paper, I will nevertheless argue that it would be too simplistic to have an exclusive focus on the current economic downturn. Indeed, in order to think about new welfare strategies, we need to look at what has failed in the policies that have been designed so far. When they do so, an increasing number of researchers now conclude that some of the social policies that were implemented during the 2000s, i.e. during the first decade of the OMC on social inclusion, had a very limited impact – or even a negative impact – on social justice across Europe. My modest aim is to look at some of these policies, first at a general level (section 1), and second at a more specific level, through some illustrative examples in one member-state, Belgium (section 2). The following sections are not based on first-hand research, but are rather aimed at reviewing the most interesting features of the current academic discussion in Belgium. The paper relies especially – although not exclusively – on research conducted by experts at Belgium's most advanced research centre in social policy, the Herman Deleeck Centre for Social Policy at the University of Antwerp. ; Desde 2008, la Unión Europea, y en particular, la Eurozona, ha sido golpeada por una profunda crisis económica que se ha traducido en un crecimiento del desempleo, las tasas de pobreza y las desigualdades. Aunque algunos países como Italia, Grecia, Portugal y España hacen frente a cambios sociales más serios, éstos se están produciendo con idéntico sentido en todas partes. No obstante, se debe recordar que incluso antes de la crisis, la situación social se había deteriorado en muchos países europeos, a pesar de que "el método abiertode coordinación" (OMC) se había puesto en marcha por la Comisión Europea en el año 2000. Nadie puede negar que la crisis haya acentuado e intensificado estos problemas sociales. En este artículo, sin embargo, se tratará de argumentar que resulta demasiado simplista centrarse exclusivamente en la actual crisis. De hecho, de cara a idear nuevas estrategias de bienestar, es necesario saber qué es lo que ha fallado en las políticas diseñadas tiempo atrás. Muchos investigadores sostienen que algunas de las políticas sociales implementadas durante los 2000, esto es, durante la primera década del OMC sobre inclusión social, han tenido un impacto muy limitado o incluso unas consecuencias negativas en Europa. El modesto propósito de este trabajo, es analizar algunas de estas políticas, primero a nivel general (sección 1), y en segundo lugar a un nivel más específico, a través de ejemplos ilustrativos de un Estado miembro: Bélgica (sección 2). Este trabajo no está basado en investigaciones de primera mano, pero sí en las investigaciones más relevantes de la discusión académica que hoy está presente en Bélgica. El documento se basa especialmente - aunque no exclusivamente - en la investigación llevada a cabo por expertos en el centro de investigación en política social más avanzado de Bélgica, el Herman Deleeck Centre for Social Policy de la Universidad de Amberes.
The European Employment Strategy (EES) aims to promote convergence of domestic labour market policies by soft law instruments. Previous studies on the impact of the EES are mainly focused on active labour market policies. The present study aims at explaining cross national variation in national passive labour market policies and unemployment benefit levels. Building on the most recent measures and pooled time series data, the empirical findings reveal the presence of a convergence process among the most advanced economies regarding passive labour market policy efforts, with the EES fostering this trend even further. Furthermore, our findings support the argument that the EES creates pressure on governments to reform domestic labour market policies, but this pressure varies across countries and over time. The results suggest that the recommendations from the European Council have contributed to unemployment benefit reform processes.
The Open Government Partnership (OGP) is a multilateral initiative which aims to secure concrete commitments from governments to promote transparency, empower citizens, fight corruption and harness new technologies to strengthen governance. For South Africa, one of OGP's founding countries, membership presents a real opportunity to advance open government. But for this to become a reality in implemention, interdepartmental coordination within the government needs to function properly. This applied research, from the Open Democracy Advice Centre, examines examples of best and worst practice in inter-departmental coordination from several OGP member countries in order to draw out lessons for advancing South Africa's commitments under the OGP. ; DFID ; USAID ; SIDA ; Omidyar Network
The impact of the digital revolution on our societies can be compared to the ripples caused by a stone thrown in water: spreading outwards and affecting a larger and larger part of our lives with every year that passes. One of the many effects of this revolution is the emergence of an already unprecedented amount of digital data that is accumulating exponentially. Moreover, a central affordance of digitization is the ability to distribute, share and collaborate, and we have thus seen an "open theme" gaining currency in recent years. These trends are reflected in the explosion of Open Data Initiatives (ODIs) around the world. However, while hundreds of national and local governments have established open data portals, there is a general feeling that these ODIs have not yet lived up to their true potential. This feeling is not without good reason; the recent Open Data Barometer report highlights that strong evidence on the impacts of open government data is almost universally lacking (Davies, 2013). This lack of evidence is disconcerting for government organizations that have already expended money on opening data, and might even result in the termination of some ODIs. This lack of evidence also raises some relevant questions regarding the nature of value generation in the context of free data and sharing of information over networks. Do we have the right methods, the right intellectual tools, to understand and reflect the value that is generated in such ecosystems?
IIn this discussion paper, we propose to employ chatbots as a user-friendly interface for open data published by organizations, specifically focusing on public administrations. Open data are especially useful in e-Government initiatives but their exploitation is currently hampered to end users by the lack of user-friendly access methods. On the other hand, current UX in social networks have made people used to chatting. Building on cognitive technologies, we prototyped a chatbot on top of the OpenCantieri dataset published by the Italian Ministero delle Infrastrutture e Trasporti, and we argue that such a model can be extended as a generally available access method to open data.
Nowadays, the quality of green open space in urban settlements is gradually decreasing because of land use changes as well as new building construction. Moreover, urban community is often facing risk of river flooding and rainwater puddles during the rainy season. The purpose of this research is developing an urban open space network with function to managing rain water in settlement areas in Manado city. The WSUD planning principles is analysis as research variable and open space areas are defined into four type's namely public zone, semipublic zone, semi private zone and private zone. This open space zones is considering into two main aspect, first the user of space (private or public) and next the decision maker (individual, groups, local government). The planning concept for urban settlement areas sensitive to water can be achieved by approaching three development types: open space network, buildings layout and streetscape.
What explains the development and variation in institutions of repressive employer coordination? Classic historical American business and labor literature focuses on institutions of labor repression and on select employer associations, but little systematic examination of such associations within the United States exists, particularly during the important inter-war period. Similarly, recent political science literature on the origins of industrial institutions underemphasizes the importance of repressive employer associations. In this paper I use new quantitative sub-national evidence from the United States inter-war period, with new data from the "open shop" movement in the United States at the local level after World War I. Understanding such variation across localities matters because that is where the starting point and bulk of repression via associations took place. I test a wide variety of different families of hypotheses that might explain variation in repressive employer coordination with specific data measuring the threat posed by organized labor. I find that such threats posed by unions are correlated with repressive employer associations, and that more recent unions and unions that are more credibly able to threaten firms are more likely to lead to the formation of repressive associations. I find less robust support for political opportunity variables and classic structural variables that might facilitate collective action at the local level. The results have implications for understanding local-level variation in the business repression of labor movements in the early twentieth century, and contribute to our understanding of the correlates of important labor repressive institutions and the incentives of firms to collectively act.
The Lisbon Strategy was initiated by the European Union in 2000 in order to turn the European Union into the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world by 2010. The Lisbon Strategy recognized the open method of co-ordination (OMC) as the EU-level governance tool. In the presence of the failure of the 2010 strategy the EU Member States adopted a new one as Europe 2020. Headline targets of the new strategy include an increase of the employment level, encouraging Research and Development, ensuring sustainable development and reducing social exclusion. The aim of this article is the development of the OMC practice by offering new proce- dures namely a system of structural indicators and the application of a multi-objective evaluation method. Being suitable for international comparisons, the multi-objective method MULTIMOORA is applied for analyzing a system of structural indicators and for covering headline targets of the strategy Europe 2020. The data cover the period 2005–2008 enabling to identify the progress of the EU Member States before adoption of the strategy Europe 2020. According to ranks given by MULTIMOORA, the Member States are classified into three groups: high performance, medium performance, and low performance states.
The social competences fall within the scope of the Member States, nevertheless we may consider that a European social model implies shared social values. The European social model promotes social citizenship and combines economic performance, social justice and solidarity. The economic crisis eroded the welfare state of rescued countries, infringing citizens fundamental rights and showing Europe's lack of response. The present work aims to analyze the need to reform the European social model, if the soft law rules and the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) are effective and if a new distribution of competences between the European Union and Member States is necessary. Furthermore, particular reference is made to the new European Pillar of Social Rights, announced by Jean-Claude Juncker in 2015, which seems to be an opportunity to address the new European social dimension. In times of economic crisis, it is essential that the jurisdictional organs guarantee the fundamental and social rights so that a balance between the economic and the social areas is found. Finally, the accession of the European Union to the revised European Social Charter should be promoted within the framework of the new European Pillar of Social Rights. Las competencias sociales pertenecen al ámbito de los Estados miembros, sin embargo se puede hablar de un modelo social europeo que supone una unidad de valores sociales compartidos. El modelo social europeo promueve la ciudadanía social y combina el rendimiento económico, la justicia social y la solidaridad. La crisis económica ha erosionado los Estados del Bienestar de los países rescatados; se han vulnerado los derechos fundamentales de los ciudadanos; y se ha puesto en evidencia a Europa ante su falta de respuesta. Este artículo trata de analizar si es necesario renovar el modelo social europeo, si las normas de soft law y el método abierto de coordinación (MAC) son acertados y la conveniencia de un nuevo reparto de competencias entre la Unión y los Estados miembros. Asimismo, se hace referencia al nuevo Pilar Europeo de Derechos Sociales, anunciado por Juncker en 2015 que se presenta como una oportunidad para abordar la nueva dimensión social europea. Es fundamental que se garanticen los derechos fundamentales y sociales por los órganos jurisdiccionales en tiempos de crisis económica, de modo que se equilibre lo económico y lo social. Finalmente, se debe promover la adhesión de la Unión Europea a la Carta Social Europea revisada en el marco del nuevo Pilar Europeo de Derechos Sociales. ; Las competencias sociales pertenecen al ámbito de los Estados miembros, sin embargo se puede hablar de un modelo social europeo que supone una unidad de valores sociales compartidos. El modelo social europeo promueve la ciudadanía social y combina el rendimiento económico, la justicia social y la solidaridad. La crisis económica ha erosionado los Estados del Bienestar de los países rescatados; se han vulnerado los derechos fundamentales de los ciudadanos; y se ha puesto en evidencia a Europa ante su falta de respuesta. Este artículo trata de analizar si es necesario renovar el modelo social europeo, si las normas de soft law y el método abierto de coordinación (MAC) son acertados y la conveniencia de un nuevo reparto de competencias entre la Unión y los Estados miembros. Asimismo, se hace referencia al nuevo Pilar Europeo de Derechos Sociales, anunciado por Juncker en 2015 que se presenta como una oportunidad para abordar la nueva dimensión social europea. Es fundamental que se garanticen los derechos fundamentales y sociales por los órganos jurisdiccionales en tiempos de crisis económica, de modo que se equilibre lo económico y lo social. Finalmente, se debe promover la adhesión de la Unión Europea a la Carta Social Europea revisada en el marco del nuevo Pilar Europeo de Derechos Sociales.The social competences fall within the scope of the Member States, nevertheless we may consider that a European social model implies shared social values. The European social model promotes social citizenship and combines economic performance, social justice and solidarity. The economic crisis eroded the welfare state of rescued countries, infringing citizens fundamental rights and showing Europe's lack of response. The present work aims to analyze the need to reform the European social model, if the soft law rules and the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) are effective and if a new distribution of competences between the European Union and Member States is necessary. Furthermore, particular reference is made to the new European Pillar of Social Rights, announced by Jean-Claude Juncker in 2015, which seems to be an opportunity to address the new European social dimension. In times of economic crisis, it is essential that the jurisdictional organs guarantee the fundamental and social rights so that a balance between the economic and the social areas is found. Finally, the accession of the European Union to the revised European Social Charter should be promoted within the framework of the new European Pillar of Social Rights.
A crucial challenge for the coordination of horizontal policy programs—those designed to tackle crosscutting issues—is how to motivate government organizations to contribute to such programs. Hence, it is crucial to study how practitioners in implementing organizations view and appreciate the coordination of such programs. Assisted by Q-methodology, this inductive study reveals three significantly different "images": central frame setting, networking via boundary spanners, and coordination beyond window dressing. Most surprisingly, different images show up among respondents within the same organizations and horizontal programs. The authors find that the images reflect elements of the literature: the resistance to hierarchical central control, the need for local differentiation and increased incentives, and a collaboration-oriented culture. Most importantly, practitioners of implementing organizations perceive top-down mechanisms as ineffective to achieve coordination and ask for adaptive arrangements, involvement, and deliberative processes when designing coordination arrangements and during the collaboration.
Polymer recycling is a way to reduce environmental impacts of accumulation of polymeric waste materials. However, low recycling rates are often observed in conventional centralized recycling plants mainly to the challenge of collection and transportation for high-volume low-weight-polymers in conventional centralized recycling plants. As the democratization of open-source 3D printers is going forward thanks to initiatives such as FabLab environments, there is a growing interest on how to use this technology to improve the efficiency of use of raw materials. Studies have been proposed in order to recycle waste polymer into open-source 3D printer feedstock. The recycling of high-density polyethylene (HDPE) issued from bottles of used milk jugs through use of an open-source filament fabricator system called RecycleBot has been evaluated. In this study, we propose an evaluation of the mechanical recyclability of Polylactic Acid (PLA), material widely used in the open-source 3D printing context, in order to establish the viability of this recycled material to be used in the open-source 3D printers. The degradation of the material's mechanical and rheological properties after a number of cycles of multiple extrusion and printing processes is evaluated. The characterization of recycled raw materials for open-source 3D printing has implications not only to reduce the environmental impact of polymers waste, but also it will allow us to understand the technical requirements and challenges for development of open-source filament recycle machine/process. The coupling of open-source 3D printers and filament extruders can offer the bases of a new distributed polymer recycling paradigm, which reverses the traditional paradigm of centralizing recycling of polymers where is often uneconomic and energy intensive due to transportation embodied energy. Moreover, this characterization also will allow the exploration of new source of materials and new composite materials for open-source 3D printing, in order to improve the quality of products made by this technology. ; Mechanical Engineering
This article examines how education policies developed in the European Union (EU) through the open method of co-ordination (OMC) are received at the member state level of the United Kingdom (UK). We argue that the UK's response to the education OMC can be understood mainly in terms of deflecting EU influence on the process and in particular content of national education policy-making. We focus on three manifestations of deflecting EU influence on national education policies. On a level of institutional structures, first, few organizational resources are made available for responding to the education OMC. Second, there is limited communication between domestic policy teams and UK civil servants involved in international work. Third, on a level of discourse UK education policy makers have retained a commitment to the continued sovereignty of the UK over education policy and its role as a potential leader of education policy agendas in the EU. Deflecting the education OMC involves here constructing images of 'fit' between UK and EU OMC education policies.
