Peacekeeping operations are nowadays an important phenomenon in international relations and especially in conflict-ridden regions. The concept and framework of such operations has been constantly evolving in the past and one of the milestones of this evolution was the fall of the communist system and the end of the cold war. In Europe, this historic moment coincided with establishment by the Maastricht Treaty of the new organism within the process of western Europe's integration: the European Union. Both these facts triggered a reaction of the somewhat passive and hardly visible European defence organisation of the Western European Union. Its Petersberg Declaration of 1992 redefined security and sought to change peace obligations of the member states of WEU, as they accepted a broader responsibility and a broader concept of security in the European region. This was an important first step in making defence integration a part of the mainstream integration process. On the legal basis of the Petersberg Declaration, six operations were carried out. The paper discusses them, showing striking similarities, which actually comprise a special philosophy of intervention by WEU. This philosophy reflects both strengths and weaknesses of WEU's role in the European integration.
Peacekeeping operations are nowadays an important phenomenon in international relations and especially in conflict-ridden regions. The concept and framework of such operations has been constantly evolving in the past and one of the milestones of this evolution was the fall of the communist system and the end of the cold war. In Europe, this historic moment coincided with establishment by the Maastricht Treaty of the new organism within the process of western Europe's integration: the European Union. Both these facts triggered a reaction of the somewhat passive and hardly visible European defence organisation of the Western European Union. Its Petersberg Declaration of 1992 redefined security and sought to change peace obligations of the member states of WEU, as they accepted a broader responsibility and a broader concept of security in the European region. This was an important first step in making defence integration a part of the mainstream integration process. On the legal basis of the Petersberg Declaration, six operations were carried out. The paper discusses them, showing striking similarities, which actually comprise a special philosophy of intervention by WEU. This philosophy reflects both strengths and weaknesses of WEU's role in the European integration.
Institutions are playing an increasingly important role in creating sustainable development policies, both at the macro and micro level. They shape the rules related to the functioning of enterprises, social development and environmental protection. The aim of this article is to analyze the relationship between selected institutional conditions of company operations and the ability of companies to adapt/co-create the requirements of sustainable development and create their business strategies based on the discussed concept. On the basis of the considerations carried out, it should be stated that the process of adapting business to the Agenda 2030 and the set objectives of sustainable development is largely adaptive in nature, adopting the imposed institutional order: international and national. This process is stretched in time and is characterized by different dynamics, depending on the degree of development of socio-economic systems in individual countries and regions and standardization of international standards. ; Instytucje odgrywają coraz większe znaczenie w tworzeniu polityki zrównoważonego rozwoju, zarówno na szczeblu makro- i mikroekonomicznym. Kształtują zasady związane z funkcjonowaniem przedsiębiorstw, rozwojem społecznym oraz ochroną środowiska. Celem artykułu jest analiza związków pomiędzy wybranymi instytucjonalnymi uwarunkowaniami funkcjonowania firm, a zdolnością przedsiębiorstw do adaptacji/współtworzenia wymogów zrównoważonego rozwoju oraz kreowania swoich strategii biznesowych w oparciu o omawianą koncepcję. Na podstawie prowadzonych rozważań należy stwierdzić, iż proces dostosowywania się biznesu do Agendy 2030 i wyznaczonych celów zrównoważonego rozwoju, ma charakter w zdecydowanej większości adaptacyjnego przyjmowania narzuconego ładu instytucjonalnego: międzynarodowego i krajowego. Proces ten jest rozciągnięty w czasie i charakteryzuje się różną dynamiką, w zależności od stopnia rozwoju systemów społeczno-gospodarczych w poszczególnych krajach i regionach oraz standaryzacji norm międzynarodowych.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the conditions behind Polish participation in the European Union's military operations in Africa. The author attempts to describe the evolution of the Polish position on the concept of the Common Security and Defence Policy. The text presents the Polish experiences, gained during operations, and assessments of the outcomes of Polish involvement, against the declared priorities of Polish foreign policy. The author also points out the main causes of changes in the Polish stance against further involvement on the African continent. She draws attention to the transformations within the EU and their reception by the Polish government. ; Celem artykułu jest analiza uwarunkowań udziału Polski w afrykańskich operacjach wojskowych Unii Europejskiej na tle ewolucji polskiego stanowiska wobec koncepcji realizacji Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. W tekście przedstawiono polskie doświadczenia z udziału w operacjach, a także ocenę jego konsekwencji w odniesieniu do deklarowanych priorytetów polskiej polityki zagranicznej. Autorka wskazuje także na główne przyczyny zmiany stanowiska polskiego wobec dalszego zaangażowania na kontynencie afrykańskim. Zwraca uwagę na przekształcenia wewnątrz Unii oraz ich odbiór przez stronę polską.
Celem artykułu jest analiza uwarunkowań udziału Polski w afrykańskich operacjach wojskowych Unii Europejskiej na tle ewolucji polskiego stanowiska wobec koncepcji realizacji Wspólnej Polityki Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony. W tekście przedstawiono polskie doświadczenia z udziału w operacjach, a także ocenę jego konsekwencji w odniesieniu do deklarowanych priorytetów polskiej polityki zagranicznej. Autorka wskazuje także na główne przyczyny zmiany stanowiska polskiego wobec dalszego zaangażowania na kontynencie afrykańskim. Zwraca uwagę na przekształcenia wewnątrz Unii oraz ich odbiór przez stronę polską. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyze the conditions behind Polish participation in the European Union's military operations in Africa. The author attempts to describe the evolution of the Polish position on the concept of the Common Security and Defence Policy. The text presents the Polish experiences, gained during operations, and assessments of the outcomes of Polish involvement, against the declared priorities of Polish foreign policy. The author also points out the main causes of changes in the Polish stance against further involvement on the African continent. She draws attention to the transformations within the EU and their reception by the Polish government.
Participation in operations abroad is an important instrument of the State's security policy as well as foreign policy, which can impact on the international security. In addition to the implementation of the political, national and strategic objectives, engagement of Polish Armed Forces (PAF) in operations also results in gathering new experiences, enabling the improvement of existing and acquisition of new operational capabilities. This is particularly true of emergency response capabilities and conducting combat operations with unequal military strengths, which include factors such as: training, quality of human resources, weapons and military equipment. In light of the potential challenges associated with the continued growth of operational capabilities in terms of changes in the security environment, an analysis of the conclusions and experiences has been conducted. They will probably have the greatest impact on the development of the PAF as well as the whole NATO. ; Udział SZ RP w misjach i operacjach zagranicznych jest ważnym instrumentem polityki bezpieczeństwa państwa, jak i polityki zagranicznej. Jednocześnie udział ten jest cennym źródłem nowych doświadczeń umożliwiających poprawę istniejących i pozyskiwanie nowych zdolności operacyjnych SZ RP. Jest to szczególnie ważne w kontekście zdolności reagowania kryzysowego i prowadzenia operacji w środowisku asymetrii potencjałów stron. W związku z tym, w świetle potencjalnych wyzwań współczesnego środowiska bezpieczeństwa, celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie w uogólnionej formie doświadczeń przede wszystkim poziomu polityczno-wojskowego z udziału SZ RP w sojuszniczych misjach i operacjach, które w opinii autora stanowią wartość dodaną w zachodzących aktualnie procesach profesjonalizacji i transformacji polskiej armii oraz jej integracji w ramach Sojuszu.
Artykuł recenzowany / peer-reviewed article ; This paper has two objectives – the first one is to present the current state and prospects of Poland's commitment in NATO-led crisis management operations. The second aim is to give recommendations for policy makers (what is the author's assumption) for this area. The author is trying to give answers to some research questions like: What is NATO's role in Poland's Security Policy? What is the role of crisis management operations in NATO's strategy from Lisbon. How was Poland participating in NATO's missions in last few years? And what are their consequences? The answers to these questions will help to make a number of general and specific conclusions. They also allow enunciating many recommendations which were placed in the final section of the text. The author encourages, among others, equal treatment of collective defense and crisis management operations. And the commitment in the above, which allows Poland's real potential. The author also makes the thesis, telling us about the need for a civil capacity to assist countries in the process of transformation. All of the recommendations are properly backed up and create a field for a content-related discussion on the following subject.
Operations under the auspices of the Security Council mandate span over 70 years. Repeatedly involved in resolving armed conflicts, they have made a significant contribution to ensuring security and stability around the world. In practice, they have taken the form of operations by individual states, coalitions, other international organizations or simply as United Nations missions composed of contingents provided by Troop Contribution Countries (TCC). While operations under the auspices of the United Nations have been involved on several occasions in offensive activities under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, and the question of responsibility for these actions has been the subject of many legal analyses and judgments, missions organized by the United Nations are always recognized as neutral, and their activities as conciliatory and focused on monitoring the cessation of hostilities, or supervising the disengagement between the parties of the conflict, with the use of force limited to self-defence. Thus, such operations benefited from legal protection, and any action against them was considered a violation of international law. The current engagement of United Nations goes far beyond the traditional understanding of peacekeeping operations. UN missions are frequently authorized to employ all necessary means, up to and including the use of lethal force or even neutralization of the armed group. This creates a situation where in the light of International Humanitarian Law, such actions can be recognized as involvement in armed conflict. This article is intended to show the problems that the international community will soon face to in using United Nations' missions as an instrument for resolving armed conflicts and as a tool for restoring peace and providing stability and securityin the area of operations. It presents the processes of decision-making and subordination, which in some circumstances might result in the United Nations missions being deprived of legal protection and, in addition, made liable for non-compliance with the provisions of International Humanitarian Law. ; Operations under the auspices of the Security Council mandate span over 70 years. Repeatedly involved in resolving armed conflicts, they have made a significant contribution to ensuring security and stability around the world. In practice, they have taken the form of operations by individual states, coalitions, other international organizations or simply as United Nations missions composed of contingents provided by Troop Contribution Countries (TCC). While operations under the auspices of the United Nations have been involved on several occasions in offensive activities under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, and the question of responsibility for these actions has been the subject of many legal analyses and judgments, missions organized by the United Nations are always recognized as neutral, and their activities as conciliatory and focused on monitoring the cessation of hostilities, or supervising the disengagement between the parties of the conflict, with the use of force limited to self-defence. Thus, such operations benefited from legal protection, and any action against them was considered a violation of international law. The current engagement of United Nations goes far beyond the traditional understanding of peacekeeping operations. UN missions are frequently authorized to employ all necessary means, up to and including the use of lethal force or even neutralization of the armed group. This creates a situation where in the light of International Humanitarian Law, such actions can be recognized as involvement in armed conflict. This article is intended to show the problems that the international community will soon face to in using United Nations' missions as an instrument for resolving armed conflicts and as a tool for restoring peace and providing stability and securityin the area of operations. It presents the processes of decision-making and subordination, which in some circumstances might result in the United Nations missions being deprived of legal protection and, in addition, made liable for non-compliance with the provisions of International Humanitarian Law.
The article is an attempt to trace the changes taking place in vocational education in Poland, paying special attention to the possibilities of local and regional activities supporting vocational education. The conclusions presented in the text result from the author's expert experience related to the implementation of projects to support vocational education. The presented model of support for vocational education is currently carried out by the Bialystok Human Resources Training Foundation in the city of Białystok and Białystok Poviat as the Competence Centre of the Białystok Functional Area. The experience in the implementation of the project and its effectiveness is so universal that the project will be implemented throughout the Podlasie Voivodeship. It can also be a model for local government units running vocational schools.
In theory, the art of war can meet different approach to the characteristics of the phenomenon of war and peace. Until recently the phenomenon of war and peace could be compared to a magnet, creating a single entity, but having two opposite poles. The new realities of social, economic, political and military relationships between the phenomena of war and peace can be compared to the spectrum of visible light, where peace and war still represent opposite poles, but in between there is the phenomenon (concept) intermediate. Study aims to analyze the situation in the Persian Gulf in the twenty-first century. The article consists of three parts. The first presents the results of research on the origin of the conflict and the assumed political and military objectives. In the second, the conclusions of the Iraqi Freedom operation have been formulated in the context of the goals achieved and their impact on peace-building in the Gulf region. In the last one, an attempt was made to answer the question whether the military intervention of coalition forces in Iraq has led to a solution of the crisis, or rather it has been the beginning of the current problems Europe is facing. ; W teorii operacji wojskowych, sztuce wojennej oraz naukach politycznych można spotkać różne podejścia do pokoju i wojny. Do niedawna jeszcze oba zjawiska porównywano do magnesu, tworzącego jedną całość, posiadającego jednak dwa przeciwstawne bieguny. W nowych realiach społecznych, ekonomicznych, politycznych i militarnych wzajemne relacje pomiędzy wojną i pokojem można porównać do widma światła widzialnego, gdzie oba nadal stanowią przeciwstawne bieguny, ale pomiędzy nimi pojawiły się zjawiska (pojęcia) pośrednie. Celem artykułu jest analiza sytuacji konfliktowej w Zatoce Perskiej w XXI. Artykuł składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej przedstawiono wyniki badań dotyczących genezy konfliktu oraz zakładanych celów politycznych i militarnych. W drugiej, sformułowano wnioski z przeprowadzonej operacji Iracka Wolność, w kontekście sposobów osiągania tychże celów i ich wpływu na kształtowanie pokoju w regionie Zatoki Perskiej. W ostatniej, zaprezentowano próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie: czy interwencja zbrojna sił koalicyjnych w I raku doprowadziła do rozwiązania kryzysu, czy raczej stała się początkiem obecnych problemów z jakimi zmaga się Europa.
