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The central objective of this paper is to put the discussion of women's rights in Afghanistan in the context of the multiple transitions entailed by the process of post-conflict reconstruction: a security transition (from war to peace), a political transition (to the formation of a legitimate and effective state) and a socioeconomic transition (from a "conflict" economy to sustainable growth). These transformations do not occur in a social vacuum but build upon existing societal arrangements that condition and limit the range of available opportunities. The first section contextualizes current attempts at securing women's rights in the troubled history of state-building and state-society relations in Afghanistan. The latter were marked by tensions between a rentier state bolstered by foreign subsidies, which had a relatively weak engagement with society, and a rural hinterland that both resisted the incursions of the state and attempted to represent tribal interests within it. Attempts at modernization, including the expansion of women's rights, were instigated by a male state elite whose bids to centralize power were thwarted at various junctures. The issue of women's rights was used as a bargaining counter in contests between social forces whose geopolitical entanglements produced sharp swings of the pendulum between extremes such as the Soviet-backed socialist experiment under the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and the Islamist policies of the Pakistani-backed Taliban. However, in a context where the state's interface with local communities, whether in terms of the legal framework, revenue collection or service delivery, was always limited, attempts to analyse women's rights with reference only to government policies suffer from serious shortcomings. It is, rather, to the profound transformations brought about by years of protracted conflict that one must look for a better appraisal of obstacles to and opportunities for more gender-equitable development in Afghanistan. The second section discusses the implications of the far-reaching changes in social relations brought about by years of war and displacement following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. A predominantly rural country whose population achieved relatively self-sufficient livelihoods was transformed into a fragmented polity where a significant proportion of the economy is based on illicit, criminalized networks of trade in drugs (opium poppy, in particular) and commodities such as timber and emeralds, smuggling of goods and human trafficking. The central argument put forward in this section is that routine violations of women's rights in Afghanistan are determined by analytically distinct but overlapping and mutually reinforcing sets of influences: the dynamics of gendered disadvantage, the erosion of local livelihoods and growing poverty, the criminalization of the economy, and insecurity due to the predations of armed groups and factions. Particular combinations of new pressures (such as poverty, indebtedness and predation by local strongmen) and existing practices (such as the early marriage of girls against the payment of brideprice) create outcomes that may easily be misidentified as unmediated expressions of local "culture", thus detracting critical attention from the full nexus of influences that deepen the vulnerability of girls and women. The third section focuses on processes of institutional development and reform since the Bonn Agreement in 2001.The national machinery set up for the advancement of women consists of: the Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA); the Office of the State Minister for Women (OSMOW), set up to provide policy guidance with particular reference to legislative and judicial reform processes; the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), tasked with the advancement of women's rights under one of its five programme areas; and the Gender Advisory Group (GAG), a donor-government co-ordination body that assists in formulating a national framework and budget for gender mainstreaming. The most tangible gains so far have been achieved in the area of legal rights, which were enshrined in the new Constitution of January 2004 and provide legal guarantees for women's equality as citizens and for their political representation. Many unresolved questions remain concerning the respective roles of Islamic and tribal laws and the stipulations of international treaties to which the government is a signatory (such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women/CEDAW which was ratified without reservations in March 2003). Without a process of consensus-building through political normalization and reconciliation, the risk that women's rights will be held hostage to factional politics remains high. The expansion of women's formal rights cannot, in any case, translate into substantive benefits in the absence of security and the rule of law. Moreover, women's formal rights to civic participation may have limited impact in a context where they remain wards of their households and communities and where their most basic entitlements to education and health continue to be denied. The conclusion draws attention to crippling disjunctures between different facets of post-conflict transition. Legal and governance reforms have advanced at a faster pace than has been achieved in the security sector or the transition to sustainable livelihoods. There is also a disjuncture between, on the one hand, the time frames adopted and outputs expected by international actors driving the women's rights agenda, and on the other, the length of time required for non-cosmetic changes in societal relations to develop as a result of peace-building. Since the issue of women's rights continues to occupy a highly politicized and sensitive place in the struggles between contending political factions in Afghanistan, this disjuncture may itself produce unintended effects, with disempowering consequences for women.

The central objective of this paper is to put the discussion of women's rights in Afghanistan in the context of the multiple transitions entailed by the process of post-conflict reconstruction: a security transition (from war to peace), a political transition (to the formation of a legitimate and effective state) and a socioeconomic transition (from a 'conflict' economy to sustainable growth). These transformations do not occur in a social vacuum but build upon existing societal arrangements that condition and limit the range of available opportunities. The first section contextualizes current attempts at securing women's rights in the troubled history of state-building and state-society relations in Afghanistan. The latter were marked by tensions between a rentier state bolstered by foreign subsidies, which had a relatively weak engagement with society, and a rural hinterland that both resisted the incursions of the state and attempted to represent tribal interests within it. Attempts at modernization, including the expansion of women's rights, were instigated by a male state elite whose bids to centralize power were thwarted at various junctures. The issue of women's rights was used as a bargaining counter in contests between social forces whose geopolitical entanglements produced sharp swings of the pendulum between extremes such as the Soviet-backed socialist experiment under the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and the Islamist policies of the Pakistani-backed Taliban. However, in a context where the state's interface with local communities, whether in terms of the legal framework, revenue collection or service delivery, was always limited, attempts to analyse women's rights with reference only to government policies suffer from serious shortcomings. It is, rather, to the profound transformations brought about by years of protracted conflict that one must look for a better appraisal of obstacles to and opportunities for more gender-equitable development in Afghanistan. The second section discusses the implications of the far-reaching changes in social relations brought about by years of war and displacement following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. A predominantly rural country whose population achieved relatively self-sufficient livelihoods was transformed into a fragmented polity where a significant proportion of the economy is based on illicit, criminalized networks of trade in drugs (opium poppy, in particular) and commodities such as timber and emeralds, smuggling of goods and human trafficking. The central argument put forward in this section is that routine violations of women's rights in Afghanistan are determined by analytically distinct but overlapping and mutually reinforcing sets of influences: the dynamics of gendered disadvantage, the erosion of local livelihoods and growing poverty, the criminalization of the economy, and insecurity due to the predations of armed groups and factions. Particular combinations of new pressures (such as poverty, indebtedness and predation by local strongmen) and existing practices (such as the early marriage of girls against the payment of brideprice) create outcomes that may easily be misidentified as unmediated expressions of local 'culture', thus detracting critical attention from the full nexus of influences that deepen the vulnerability of girls and women. The third section focuses on processes of institutional development and reform since the Bonn Agreement in 2001.The national machinery set up for the advancement of women consists of: the Ministry of Women's Affairs (MOWA); the Office of the State Minister for Women (OSMOW), set up to provide policy guidance with particular reference to legislative and judicial reform processes; the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), tasked with the advancement of women's rights under one of its five programme areas; and the Gender Advisory Group (GAG), a donor-government co-ordination body that assists in formulating a national framework and budget for gender mainstreaming. The most tangible gains so far have been achieved in the area of legal rights, which were enshrined in the new Constitution of January 2004 and provide legal guarantees for women's equality as citizens and for their political representation. Many unresolved questions remain concerning the respective roles of Islamic and tribal laws and the stipulations of international treaties to which the government is a signatory (such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women/CEDAW which was ratified without reservations in March 2003). Without a process of consensus-building through political normalization and reconciliation, the risk that women's rights will be held hostage to factional politics remains high. The expansion of women's formal rights cannot, in any case, translate into substantive benefits in the absence of security and the rule of law. Moreover, women's formal rights to civic participation may have limited impact in a context where they remain wards of their households and communities and where their most basic entitlements to education and health continue to be denied. The conclusion draws attention to crippling disjunctures between different facets of post-conflict transition. Legal and governance reforms have advanced at a faster pace than has been achieved in the security sector or the transition to sustainable livelihoods. There is also a disjuncture between, on the one hand, the time frames adopted and outputs expected by international actors driving the women's rights agenda, and on the other, the length of time required for non-cosmetic changes in societal relations to develop as a result of peace-building. Since the issue of women's rights continues to occupy a highly politicized and sensitive place in the struggles between contending political factions in Afghanistan, this disjuncture may itself produce unintended effects, with disempowering consequences for women.

Konsumverhalten, Hinweise auf klinisch relevanten Konsum und Störungen im Zusammenhang mit dem Gebrauch von Tabak, Alkohol, illegalen Substanzen und Medikamenten. Körperlicher und psychischer Gesundheitszustand.

Themen: 1. Fragen zur Gesundheit: Selbsteinschätzung des Gesundheitszustands und des psychischen Wohlbefindens; chronische Erkrankungen; neurologische Erkrankungen; Häufigkeit von körperlichen Beschwerden oder Schmerzen ohne eindeutige Erklärung, Angstanfall / Panikattacke, häufig Sorgen, starke Ängste in sozialen Situationen, starke Ängste vor öffentlichen Plätzen, Verkehrsmitteln oder Geschäften, starke Ängste vor verschiedenen Situationen, z.B. Nutzung von Aufzügen, Tunneln, Flugzeugen sowie Unwetter, Traurigkeit bzw. Niedergeschlagenheit, Interessenverlust, Müdigkeit oder Energielosigkeit, ungewöhnlich glücklich, überdreht oder reizbar, belastende traumatische Ereignisse, psychiatrische oder psychotherapeutische Behandlung in den letzten 12 Monaten; körperliche Aktivität und Ernährung in den letzten drei Monaten: Häufigkeit körperlicher Aktivitäten pro Woche; Dauer der körperlichen Aktivitäten; Häufigkeit von Sport; auf ausreichend körperliche Bewegung geachtet; Konsum von ausgewählten Lebensmitteln (fettarme Milchprodukte, Rohkost, frische Salate, Kräuter, frisches Obst, Getreideprodukte, Kräutertee oder Früchtetee).

2. Medikamentenkonsum: Art des Medikamentenkonsums (Schmerzmittel, Schlafmittel, Beruhigungsmittel, Anregungsmittel, Appetitzügler, Antidepressiva, Neuroleptika und Anabolika (anabole Steroide) in den letzten 12 Monaten; Häufigkeit der Anwendung von Schmerzmitteln, Schlafmitteln, Beruhigungsmitteln, Anregungsmitteln, Appetitzüglern, Antidepressiva und Neuroleptika in den letzten 30 Tagen und jeweilige Verordnung durch einen Arzt; Häufigkeit der Einnahme von Anabolika in den letzten 30 Tagen zur Unterstützung von Fitness bzw. sportlichen Aktivitäten; Gewohnheiten und Schwierigkeiten bei der Einnahme von Medikamenten (Einschlafschwierigkeiten ohne Medikamente, Tablettenvorrat, Zurückziehen, Meistern von Situationen ohne Medikamente nicht möglich, Problemwahrnehmung des Medikamentenkonsums durch Dritte, nachlassende Wirkung, Medikamentenkonsum wegen Schmerzen, weniger gegessen in Zeiten erhöhter Medikamenteneinnahme, Unwohlsein ohne Medikamente, Erstaunen über Tablettenmenge, Gefühl gesteigerter Leistungsfähigkeit); Einnahme von opioidhaltigen und nicht-opioidhaltigen Schmerzmitteln im letzten Jahr; Verordnung durch einen Arzt; Abhängigkeitstendenzen: bezogen auf die letzten 12 Monate wurde erfragt: erhebliche Probleme im Zusammenhang mit der Einnahme (z.B. Vernachlässigung von Haushalt und Kindern, schlechte Leistungen), verletzungsgefährdende Situationen unter Medikamenteneinfluss, unabsichtliche Verletzungen wie Unfall oder Sturz, rechtliche Probleme, Vorwürfe von Familie oder Freunden, zerbrochene Beziehungen, finanzielle Schwierigkeiten, jemanden körperlich angegriffen oder verletzt, Einnahme in größeren Mengen oder über längeren Zeitraum als ärztlich verordnet bzw. beabsichtigt, Beschwerden beim Absetzen des Medikamentes und anschließende weitere Einnahme zur Vermeidung der Beschwerden, höhere Dosen erforderlich für gewünschte Wirkung bzw. abgeschwächte Wirkung, vergebliche Versuche, den Medikamentenkonsum zu reduzieren oder einzustellen, hoher Zeitaufwand für die Medikamentenbeschaffung oder zur Erholung von den Wirkungen, Einschränkung von Aktivitäten, Medikamenteneinnahme trotz Wissen über schädliche Wirkung, Verlangen nach Medikamenten so stark, dass Widerstehen bzw. andere Gedanken nicht möglich waren.

3. Rauchen: Raucherstatus; Rauchverhalten: im Verlauf des Lebens insgesamt mehr als 100 Zigaretten, Zigarren, Zigarillos, Pfeifen geraucht; Art des Tabakkonsums (Zigaretten, Zigarren, Zigarillos, Pfeife); Shisha (Wasserpfeife) geraucht in den letzten 12 Monaten; Einstiegsalter beim Tabakkonsum sowie bei Beginn des täglichen Rauchens; Raucherjahre; Zeitpunkt des letzten Tabakkonsums; konkrete Anzahl der Tage im letzten Monat, an denen Zigaretten (bzw. Zigarren, Zigarillos oder Pfeifen) geraucht wurden und durchschnittlich gerauchte Anzahl pro Tag; durchschnittlicher täglicher Konsum von 20 oder mehr Zigaretten (oder 10 Zigarillos, 7 Pfeifen, 5 Zigarren) in den letzten 12 Monaten; Zeitspanne bis zur ersten Zigarette (Zigarre, Zigarillo, Pfeife) nach dem Aufwachen; Schwierigkeit, Rauchverbot zu akzeptieren; erste Zigarette am Morgen am schwersten aufzugeben; am Morgen mehr rauchen als am restlichen Tag; Rauchen trotz Krankheit im Bett; ernsthafter Versuch, das Rauchen aufzugeben; derzeit keine Absicht mit dem Rauchen aufzuhören, bzw. in den nächsten 30 Tagen bzw. sechs Monaten mit dem Rauchen aufzuhören oder bereits Nichtraucher.

E-Zigaretten, E-Zigarren und E-Shishas: Kenntnis und Nutzung von E-Zigaretten, E-Zigarren und E-Shishas; Alter bei der ersten E-Zigarette/E-Zigarre/E-Shisha und Zeitpunkt der letzten Nutzung; konkrete Anzahl der Tage in den letzten 30 Tagen, an denen E-Zigaretten/E-Zigarren/E-Shishas genutzt wurden; Zeitspanne bis zur ersten E- Zigarette (E-Zigarre/E-Shisha) nach dem Aufwachen; Nutzung von E-Zigaretten/E-Zigarren/E-Shishas mit oder ohne Nikotin; Einkaufsort (Internet, Spezialgeschäfte, Kiosk, Tabakladen oder Tankstelle, Ausland, anderswo); Motivation für die Nutzung (mit dem Rauchen aufhören, Zigarettenkonsum reduzieren, weniger gesundheitsschädlich bzw. billiger als Zigaretten, überall nutzbar, Passivrauchen vermeiden, Neugierde, schmecken und riechen gut, macht Spaß); Beenden des konventionellen Zigarettenkonsums als Grund für die Nutzung und erfolgreiche Umsetzung; Einschätzung der Gesundheitsgefahren im Vergleich zu konventionellen Tabakprodukten.

4. Alkoholkonsum: Alter beim ersten Glas Alkohol; Alkoholkonsum mindestens einmal im Monat; Eintrittsalter beim regelmäßigen Alkoholkonsum; Alkoholexzesse (Rauschtrinken) in der Vergangenheit und Häufigkeit von Alkoholexzessen in den letzten 12 Monaten; Alter beim ersten Alkoholexzess; Zeitpunkt des letzten Alkoholkonsums; Gesamtanzahl der Tage mit Alkoholkonsum in den letzten 30 Tagen bzw. 12 Monaten; konkrete Angabe der durchschnittlich konsumierten Menge an Bier, Wein/Sekt, Spirituosen und alkoholhaltigen Mixgetränken (Alkopops, Longdrinks, Cocktails oder Bowle) in den letzten 30 Tagen bzw. in den letzten 12 Monaten; Anzahl der Tage mit Konsum von mindestens fünf Gläsern Alkohol in den letzten 30 Tagen bzw. 12 Monaten; Häufigkeit von Schwierigkeiten durch Alkoholkonsum in den letzten 12 Monaten (Aufhören nicht möglich, nachdem einmal angefangen zu trinken, Verpflichtungen nicht mehr nachkommen können, morgens Alkohol, um in die Gänge zu kommen, Schuldgefühle oder schlechtes Gewissen, Erinnerungslücken); Besorgnis von Verwandten, Freunden oder Arzt wegen des Alkoholkonsums sowie eigene Verletzungen oder Verletzung Dritter unter Alkoholeinfluss in den letzten 12 Monaten bzw. vor mehr als 12 Monaten.

5. Drogenkonsum: Drogenerfahrung mit Cannabis (Haschisch, Marihuana), Aufputschmitteln, Amphetaminen, Ecstasy, LSD, Heroin, anderen Opiaten wie z.B. Codein, Methadon, Opium, Morphium), Kokain und Crack; Erfahrung mit Schnüffelstoffen (Klebstoffe, Lösungsmittel, Treibgase) und Pilzen (Fliegenpilze, Magic Mushrooms (Psylocybin) als Rauschmittel; jemals Substanzen konsumiert, die die Wirkung illegaler Drogen imitieren (Legal Highs, Research Chemicals, Badesalze, Kräutermischungen oder neue psychoaktive Substanzen (NPS); Form der konsumierten Substanzen (Kräutermischungen zum Rauchen, Pulver, Kristalle oder Tabletten sowie Flüssigkeiten); generell Drogen probiert; Einstiegsalter bei ausgewählten Drogen, bei Schnüffelstoffen, Pilzen, Legal Highs, Research Chemicals, Badesalzen, Kräutermischungen, NPS o.ä. bzw. noch nie genommen; Konsumhäufigkeit insgesamt und in den letzten 12 Monaten von: Cannabis (Haschisch, Marihuana), Aufputschmitteln, Amphetaminen, Ecstasy, LSD, Heroin, anderen Opiaten, Kokain, Crack, Schnüffelstoffen, Pilzen bzw. Legal Highs, Research Chemicals, Badesalzen, Kräutermischungen, NPS; Zeitpunkt des letzten Konsums legaler Substanzen (in den letzten 30 Tagen, in den letzten 12 Monaten oder Jahre davor); konkrete Anzahl der Tage, an denen ausgewählte illegale Drogen, Schnüffelstoffe, Pilze, Legal Highs usw. konsumiert wurden (bezogen auf die letzten 30 Tage); Konsum von Cannabis bzw. Kokain in den letzten 12 Monaten; Häufigkeit von Problemen im Zusammenhang mit dem Konsum von Cannabis bzw. Kokain in den letzten 12 Monaten (Konsum nicht mehr unter Kontrolle, Besorgnis bei der Vorstellung, kein Cannabis bzw. Kokain zu konsumieren, Sorgen wegen des Konsums, Wunsch, den Konsum zu beenden); Schwierigkeiten mit dem Verzicht auf Cannabis bzw. Kokain in den letzten 12 Monaten.

Amphetamine bzw. Methamphetamine: Jemals Amphetamine (Speed, Pep oder Paste) bzw. Methamphetamine (Crystal, Crystal-Speed, Crystal-Meth, Meth oder Crank) probiert; Konsumhäufigkeit in den letzten 12 Monaten insgesamt und in den letzten 30 Tagen; Häufigkeit von Problemen im Zusammenhang mit dem Konsum von Amphetaminen bzw. Methamphetaminen (Konsum nicht mehr unter Kontrolle, Besorgnis bei der Vorstellung, kein Amphetamin bzw. Methamphetamin zu konsumieren, Sorgen wegen des Konsums, Wunsch mit dem Konsum aufzuhören); Schwierigkeiten mit dem Verzicht auf Amphetamin bzw. Methamphetamin in den letzten 12 Monaten.

Demographie: Geschlecht; Alter (Geburtsjahr); Geburtsland; Wohndauer in Deutschland; deutsche oder andere Staatsbürgerschaft; Geburtsland, deutsche oder andere Staatsbürgerschaft der Eltern sowie Wohndauer der Eltern in Deutschland (Migrationshintergrund); Körpergröße in Zentimetern; Körpergewicht in Kilogramm; Familienstand; Zusammenleben mit einem Partner; Kinderzahl; Anzahl der Kinder im Haushalt; Haushaltsgröße; Personenzahl im Haushalt unter 14 Jahren; höchster Schulabschluss; angestrebter Schulabschluss; höchster beruflicher Ausbildungsabschluss; derzeitige bzw. frühere Erwerbstätigkeit; berufliche Stellung der derzeitigen bzw. früheren Erwerbstätigkeit; Befragter ist Hauptverdiener im Haushalt; berufliche Stellung des Hauptverdieners; Haushaltsnettoeinkommen; Fragebogen allein ausgefüllt.

Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Interviewnummer; Geschlecht, Geburtsjahr, Nationalität und Altersgruppe laut Einwohnermeldeamt; Stichprobenkennung; Sample Point Nummer; ID der Gemeinde je Bundesland (PSU); Ortsgröße (politische Gemeindegrößenklasse, BIK-Gemeindegrößenklasse); West-/Ostdeutschland; Erhebungsmethode des Interviews.

Ein Überblick über die bedeutendsten Ereignisse und Entwicklungen in China seit den Opiumkriegen in der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts bis in die Gegenwart. Rezension: Eingeführte Reihe. Der Autor, Sinologe an der Universität Göttingen und Direktor der Herzog August-Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel, befasst sich in dieser gering aktualisierte Geschichte Chinas mit der Zeit vom ersten Opiumkrieg (Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts) bis zum Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts. "Das Buch bietet eine komprimierte Einführung für Leser/-innen ohne besondere Vorkenntnisse. Knapp werden die wichtigsten Ereignisse, mit dem Schwerpunkt auf politische Entwicklungen, referiert" (A. Ufen zur Erstauflage 1999). Zur Erstinformation geeignet, daher zum Ersatz- oder Erstkauf empfohlen. (1)

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Happy old year : an autobiography (1982) / Marcelo Rubens Paiva. A healing family (1995) / Kenzaburo Oe. Heart berries : a memoir (2018) / Terese Marie Mailhot. Heaven's coast : a memoir (1997) / Mark Doty. The history of the Carolina twins : told in "their own peculiar way" by "one of them" (1866-1869?) / Millie McKoy and Christine McKoy. Home bound : growing up with a disability in America (2004) / Cass Irvin. How I became a human being : a disabled man's quest for independence (2003) / Mark O'Brien, with Gillian Kendall. I knock at the door : swift glances back at things that made me (1939) / Sean O'Casey. I raise my eyes to say yes (1989) / Ruth Sienkiewicz-Mercer and Steven B. Kaplan. In our hearts we were giants : the remarkable story of the Lilliput Troupe, a dwarf family's survival of the Holocaust (2003) / Yehuda Koren and Eilat Negev. In praise of weakness (1999) / Alexandre Jollien. In the body of the world : a memoir of cancer and connection (2013) / Eve Ensler. In the face of death (1984) / Peter Noll. In the jaws of the black dogs : a memoir of depression (1995) / John Bentley Mays. In the land of pain (1897) / Alphonse Daudet. In the shadows of memory (2003) / Floyd Skloot. An Iranian odyssey (1991) / Gohar Kordi. It's not yet dark : a memoir (2014) / Simon Fitzmaurice. I've heard the vultures singing : field notes on poetry, illness, and nature (2007) / Lucia Perillo. The language of me (2004) / Musa E. Zulu. Learning sickness : a year with Crohn's disease (2004) / James M. Lang. Liar : a memoir (2016) / Rob Roberge. Life as we know it : a father, a family, and an exceptional child (1996) and Life as Jamie knows it: an exceptional child grows up (2016) / Michael Berube. Life prints : a memoir of healing and discovery (2000) / Mary Grimley Mason. Lighter than my shadow (2013) / Katie Green. Listening : ways of hearing in a silent world (1994) / Hannah Merker. Lit : a memoir (2009) / Mary Karr. The little locksmith : a memoir (1943) / Katharine Butler Hathaway. Little people : learning to see the world through my daughter's eyes (2003) / Dan Kennedy. A little pregnant : our memoir of fertility, infertility, and a marriage (1999) / Linda Carbone and Ed Decker. Long time, no see (2003) / Beth Finke. Look me in the eye : my life with Asperger's (2007) / John Elder Robison. The loony-bin trip (1990) / Kate Millett. Losing my mind : an intimate look at life with Alzheimer's (2002) / Thomas DeBaggio. Love like salt : a memoir (2016) / Helen Stevenson. Lucky man : a memoir (2002) / Michael J. Fox. Lying : a metaphorical memoir (2000) / Lauren Slater --

Background. Today in Ukraine, acute poisoning by narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances is an extremely urgent medical and social problem, which is far out of being solved, that's why there is a need for in-depth study of the causes of deaths from poisoning to prevent them. The purpose of this study is to analyze the cases of fatal poisonings by narcotic and psychotropic substances with the involvement of epidemic, clinical, forensic, and laboratory research methods, aimed at finding measures to improve the health care system for acute domestic poisoning. Materials and methods. There were studied the medical data of patients treated with the diagnosis: "Acute drug poisoning" (ICD-10: T40.0–T40.3) in the Kyiv Toxicological Center, the statistical data of the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, the Center for Medical Statistics of the Ministry of Health of Ukraine, the data from reports of the Bureau of Forensic Medical Examinations. The laboratory studies of narcotic and psychotropic substances in the biological environment were performed using immunochromatographic analysis and chromatography-mass spectrometry (device — Aligent 6850/5973N, column — HP-5MS). The statistical analysis was performed using the program Statistica 12.6 (Windows 10/7): the reliability of the difference in indicators in the study groups was assessed using Student's t-test with a significance level of p < 0.05. Results. In the last 5 years, the most common narcotic and psychotropic substances are synthetic and semi-synthetic opioids, psychostimulants, smoking mixtures, sedatives, or hypnotics. At the same time, the number of poiso-nings associated with the combined use of drugs and psychotropic substances, pharmaceuticals, and ethanol is increasing. During the period 2015–2019, more than 40 groups of substances that led to acute poisoning were found in the laboratory of the Kyiv Toxicological Center. The number of positive tests increased 2.3 times during the study period. The leaders in the structure of opioid drugs are methadone, heroin, and morphine. According to the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, in 2014–2018, 1365 deaths were registered as a result of poisoning by narcotic and psychotropic substances. In 2018, a total of 399 cases of deaths related to narcotic and psychotropic substances use and poisoning were recorded in Ukraine. Of these, 64 (16.04 %) cases were related to mental and behavioral disorders due to drug and psychotropic substance abuse and 335 (98.82 %) cases were related to external causes of death related to poisoning or overdose. Among those who died in 2018, there were 90.5 % men (361 cases) and 9.5 % women (38 cases). The largest number of deaths, 340 cases (85.2 %), occurred in the age group from 25 to 44 years, 13 ca-ses — in the age group from 15 to 24 years, and 46 cases — from 45 years and older. Three hundred and fifty-five cases of death from poisoning by psychotropic substances were investigated, it was established that opioid poisoning occurred in 153 cases (codeine and morphine — 54 cases (43.1 %), methadone — 76 cases (21.4 %), opium — 15 cases (4.2 %), synthetic opioids — 8 cases (2.3 %)). One hundred and forty-four cases of death from other drug poisonings were studied, including 31 (21.5 %) cases of psychodysleptic poisoning (hallucinogens), 2 (1.4 %) cases of cocaine poisoning, and 5 (3.5 %) cases of psychostimulant poisoning. According to state statistics, the number of deaths from poisoning in 2018 compared to 2017 increased by half and much. In particular, methadone poisoning increased 2.5 times, and unidentified drug poisoning was three-fold increased. According to the intent, the deaths were distributed as follows: 268 deaths — accidental poisoning; 66 deaths — poisoning by indefinite intent; one case — self-poisoning. The opioid poisoning accounted for 28 % of all cases of the psychotropic substances revealed in biological material, 24.4 % cases were drugs containing narcotic and psychotropic substances or precursors, 15 % — of unidentified substances, the rest consisted of other psychoactive substan-ces. The age characteristics of the group of deaths resulted from narcotic and psychotropic substances revealed in the biological material, and in the group of deaths from overdose are the same (p ≤ 0.05). It means that in the samples of both groups, the age group of 25–44 years presented over 75 % of cases. In Ukraine in 2018, the frequency of deaths related to drug and psychotropic substance abuse and poisoning among the population aged 15 to 64 was 10 people per 1,000,000. Conclusions. The results of the epidemic, clinical, forensic, and laboratory studies conducted by various government agencies in the period 2014–2019, demonstrate a threatening dynamic of increasing both the number of cases of narcotic and psychotropic poisoning and their diversity, resulting in a progressive increase in lethality and mortality, mainly among the male population aged 25–44 years. The main way of the use of narcotic and psychotropic substances in Ukraine continues to be the injection of opioids (methadone, heroin, buprenorphine, etc.) and amphetamine-type stimulants. There has been an increase in the number of deaths associated with the simultaneous use of several narcotic and psychotropic substances (methadone, amphetamine, marijuana, benzodiazepines, ethanol, etc.) in various combinations. ; Актуальність. На сьогодні в Україні гострі отруєння наркотичними та психотропними речовинами є вкрай актуальною медико-соціальною проблемою, далекою від вирішення. Мета дослідження — аналіз випадків смертельних отруєнь наркотичними та психотропними речовинами, спрямований на пошук заходів з підвищення ефективності системи охорони здоров'я з надання медичної допомоги при гострих побутових отруєннях. Матеріали та методи. Досліджено медичні дані пацієнтів з діагнозом «гостре наркотичне отруєння» (Міжнародна класифікація хвороб 10-го перегляду: Т40.0–Т40.3); дані Державної служби статистики України та Центру медичної статистики Міністерства охорони здоров'я України; звіти бюро судово-медичних експертиз. Лабораторні дослідження здійснено за допомогою імунохроматографічного аналізу і хромато-мас-спектрометрії (прилад — Aligent 6850/5973N, колонка — HP-5MS). Використана програма Statistica 12.6 (Windows 10/7). Результати. За 2015–2019 рр. в лабораторії Київського токсикологічного центру було виявлено більше 40 груп речовин, що призвели до гострих отруєнь, а кількість позитивних тестів зросла в 2,3 раза. Лідерами в структурі наркотиків визначені метадон, героїн і морфін. За 2014–2018 рр. в Україні зареєстровано 1365 смертей внаслідок отруєнь наркотичними та психотропними речовинами, зокрема у 2018 році — 399 випадків, 90,5 % становили чоловіки (361 випадок) та 9,5 % — жінки (38 випадків). Серед 355 випадків смертей отруєння опіоїдами становили 153 (кодеїн та морфін — 54 випадки (43,1 %), метадон — 76 випадків (21,4 %), опій — 15 випадків (4,2 %), синтетичні опіоїди — 8 випадків (2,3 %)). Серед 144 випадків смертей від отруєнь іншими наркотиками 31 (21,5 %) — отруєння психодислептиками (галюциногенами), 2 (1,4 %) — отруєння кокаїном та 5 (3,5 %) — отруєння психостимуляторами. Кількість смертей у 2018 році порівняно з даними 2017 року зросла в 1,5 раза, отруєння метадоном — у 2,5 раза, а отруєння неідентифікованими наркотиками — у 3 рази. В Україні у 2018 році частота смертей, пов'язаних зі вживанням наркотичних та психотропних речовин, та отруєнь ними серед населення віком від 15 до 64 років становила 10 осіб на кожен 1 000 000 населення. Висновки. Результати досліджень, здійснених різними державними установами в період 2014–2019 рр., свідчать про загрозливу динаміку збільшення як числа випадків отруєнь наркотичними та психотропними речовинами, так і збільшення їх різноманіття, наслідком чого є прогресивне зростання показників летальності і смертності, переважно серед населення чоловічої статі віком 25–44 років.

Background. Today in Ukraine, acute poisoning by narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances is an extremely urgent medical and social problem, which is far out of being solved, that's why there is a need for in-depth study of the causes of deaths from poisoning to prevent them. The purpose of this study is to analyze the cases of fatal poisonings by narcotic and psychotropic substances with the involvement of epidemic, clinical, forensic, and laboratory research methods, aimed at finding measures to improve the health care system for acute domestic poisoning. Materials and methods. There were studied the medical data of patients treated with the diagnosis: "Acute drug poisoning" (ICD-10: T40.0–T40.3) in the Kyiv Toxicological Center, the statistical data of the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, the Center for Medical Statistics of the Ministry of Health of Ukraine, the data from reports of the Bureau of Forensic Medical Examinations. The laboratory studies of narcotic and psychotropic substances in the biological environment were performed using immunochromatographic analysis and chromatography-mass spectrometry (device — Aligent 6850/5973N, column — HP-5MS). The statistical analysis was performed using the program Statistica 12.6 (Windows 10/7): the reliability of the difference in indicators in the study groups was assessed using Student's t-test with a significance level of p < 0.05. Results. In the last 5 years, the most common narcotic and psychotropic substances are synthetic and semi-synthetic opioids, psychostimulants, smoking mixtures, sedatives, or hypnotics. At the same time, the number of poiso-nings associated with the combined use of drugs and psychotropic substances, pharmaceuticals, and ethanol is increasing. During the period 2015–2019, more than 40 groups of substances that led to acute poisoning were found in the laboratory of the Kyiv Toxicological Center. The number of positive tests increased 2.3 times during the study period. The leaders in the structure of opioid drugs are methadone, heroin, and morphine. According to the State Statistics Service of Ukraine, in 2014–2018, 1365 deaths were registered as a result of poisoning by narcotic and psychotropic substances. In 2018, a total of 399 cases of deaths related to narcotic and psychotropic substances use and poisoning were recorded in Ukraine. Of these, 64 (16.04 %) cases were related to mental and behavioral disorders due to drug and psychotropic substance abuse and 335 (98.82 %) cases were related to external causes of death related to poisoning or overdose. Among those who died in 2018, there were 90.5 % men (361 cases) and 9.5 % women (38 cases). The largest number of deaths, 340 cases (85.2 %), occurred in the age group from 25 to 44 years, 13 ca-ses — in the age group from 15 to 24 years, and 46 cases — from 45 years and older. Three hundred and fifty-five cases of death from poisoning by psychotropic substances were investigated, it was established that opioid poisoning occurred in 153 cases (codeine and morphine — 54 cases (43.1 %), methadone — 76 cases (21.4 %), opium — 15 cases (4.2 %), synthetic opioids — 8 cases (2.3 %)). One hundred and forty-four cases of death from other drug poisonings were studied, including 31 (21.5 %) cases of psychodysleptic poisoning (hallucinogens), 2 (1.4 %) cases of cocaine poisoning, and 5 (3.5 %) cases of psychostimulant poisoning. According to state statistics, the number of deaths from poisoning in 2018 compared to 2017 increased by half and much. In particular, methadone poisoning increased 2.5 times, and unidentified drug poisoning was three-fold increased. According to the intent, the deaths were distributed as follows: 268 deaths — accidental poisoning; 66 deaths — poisoning by indefinite intent; one case — self-poisoning. The opioid poisoning accounted for 28 % of all cases of the psychotropic substances revealed in biological material, 24.4 % cases were drugs containing narcotic and psychotropic substances or precursors, 15 % — of unidentified substances, the rest consisted of other psychoactive substan-ces. The age characteristics of the group of deaths resulted from narcotic and psychotropic substances revealed in the biological material, and in the group of deaths from overdose are the same (p ≤ 0.05). It means that in the samples of both groups, the age group of 25–44 years presented over 75 % of cases. In Ukraine in 2018, the frequency of deaths related to drug and psychotropic substance abuse and poisoning among the population aged 15 to 64 was 10 people per 1,000,000. Conclusions. The results of the epidemic, clinical, forensic, and laboratory studies conducted by various government agencies in the period 2014–2019, demonstrate a threatening dynamic of increasing both the number of cases of narcotic and psychotropic poisoning and their diversity, resulting in a progressive increase in lethality and mortality, mainly among the male population aged 25–44 years. The main way of the use of narcotic and psychotropic substances in Ukraine continues to be the injection of opioids (methadone, heroin, buprenorphine, etc.) and amphetamine-type stimulants. There has been an increase in the number of deaths associated with the simultaneous use of several narcotic and psychotropic substances (methadone, amphetamine, marijuana, benzodiazepines, ethanol, etc.) in various combinations. ; Актуальність. На сьогодні в Україні гострі отруєння наркотичними та психотропними речовинами є вкрай актуальною медико-соціальною проблемою, далекою від вирішення. Мета дослідження — аналіз випадків смертельних отруєнь наркотичними та психотропними речовинами, спрямований на пошук заходів з підвищення ефективності системи охорони здоров'я з надання медичної допомоги при гострих побутових отруєннях. Матеріали та методи. Досліджено медичні дані пацієнтів з діагнозом «гостре наркотичне отруєння» (Міжнародна класифікація хвороб 10-го перегляду: Т40.0–Т40.3); дані Державної служби статистики України та Центру медичної статистики Міністерства охорони здоров'я України; звіти бюро судово-медичних експертиз. Лабораторні дослідження здійснено за допомогою імунохроматографічного аналізу і хромато-мас-спектрометрії (прилад — Aligent 6850/5973N, колонка — HP-5MS). Використана програма Statistica 12.6 (Windows 10/7). Результати. За 2015–2019 рр. в лабораторії Київського токсикологічного центру було виявлено більше 40 груп речовин, що призвели до гострих отруєнь, а кількість позитивних тестів зросла в 2,3 раза. Лідерами в структурі наркотиків визначені метадон, героїн і морфін. За 2014–2018 рр. в Україні зареєстровано 1365 смертей внаслідок отруєнь наркотичними та психотропними речовинами, зокрема у 2018 році — 399 випадків, 90,5 % становили чоловіки (361 випадок) та 9,5 % — жінки (38 випадків). Серед 355 випадків смертей отруєння опіоїдами становили 153 (кодеїн та морфін — 54 випадки (43,1 %), метадон — 76 випадків (21,4 %), опій — 15 випадків (4,2 %), синтетичні опіоїди — 8 випадків (2,3 %)). Серед 144 випадків смертей від отруєнь іншими наркотиками 31 (21,5 %) — отруєння психодислептиками (галюциногенами), 2 (1,4 %) — отруєння кокаїном та 5 (3,5 %) — отруєння психостимуляторами. Кількість смертей у 2018 році порівняно з даними 2017 року зросла в 1,5 раза, отруєння метадоном — у 2,5 раза, а отруєння неідентифікованими наркотиками — у 3 рази. В Україні у 2018 році частота смертей, пов'язаних зі вживанням наркотичних та психотропних речовин, та отруєнь ними серед населення віком від 15 до 64 років становила 10 осіб на кожен 1 000 000 населення. Висновки. Результати досліджень, здійснених різними державними установами в період 2014–2019 рр., свідчать про загрозливу динаміку збільшення як числа випадків отруєнь наркотичними та психотропними речовинами, так і збільшення їх різноманіття, наслідком чого є прогресивне зростання показників летальності і смертності, переважно серед населення чоловічої статі віком 25–44 років.

Afghanistan faces a severe problem of poor nutrition and food insecurity. Chronic malnutrition among Afghan children is one of the highest in the world. This report investigates the status of food insecurity in Afghanistan with a focus on mapping provincial differences and an emphasis on understanding the impact of rising food prices on key measures of food security. It synthesizes findings from analysis of rising food prices and their impact on different measures of food access and utilization (such as calorie intake, protein consumption and the quality of diet) in Afghanistan. The findings are based on the analysis of data from the National Risk and Vulnerability Assessment (NRVA) 2007/08, a sample of over 20,000 households from all 34 provinces of Afghanistan. This analytical work is an integral part of the on-going collaboration between the Government of Afghanistan and the World Bank in the domain of poverty and vulnerability assessment. It aims to further the understanding of household wellbeing and vulnerability from the standpoint of food security and complements the earlier work presented in 'poverty status in Afghanistan. Finally, given that poor nutrition and food insecurity affect a sizeable proportion of the Afghan population year-round but more so during bad times, there is genuine need for a scaled-up and well-targeted safety nets program in Afghanistan.

SCHRIFTEN DER UNIVERSITÄT ZU KIEL AUS DEM JAHRE 1868 Schriften der Universität zu Kiel (-) Schriften der Universität zu Kiel aus dem Jahre 1868 (Band XV.) ( - ) Einband ( - ) Vorsatz ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Inhalt. ( - ) I. Index Scholarum In Academia Christiana Albertina Per Instans Semestre Aestivum A Die Inde XX Mensis Aprilis Usque Ad Diem XV Mensis Augusti A. MDCCCLXVIII Publice Privatimque Habendarum. ([1]) De Temporum Notis Quibus Eusebius Utitur In Chronicis Canonibus, Disputavit Alfredus A Gutschmid. ([3]) Scholae Professorum Ordinariorum. ([29]) Ex Ordine Theologico. ([29]) Ex Ordine Iuridico. (30) Ex Ordine Medicorum. (30) Ex Ordine Philosophorum. (31) Professorum Extraordinariorum. (32) Lectores Linguarum Et Artium Magistri. (34) Tabellarische Uebersicht der Vorlesungen nach den Stunden geordnet. ([35]) An später zu bestimmenden Tagen und Stunden: ([38]) II. Verzeichniss der Behörden, Commissionen, Beamten, Institute, Lehrer und Studirenden der Universität Kiel. Sommersemester 1868. ([1]) I. Behörden. ([3]) II. Die besonderen politischen Rechte der Universität. (4) III. Academische Neben-Aemter und Commissionen. (4) IV. Officianten der Universität und Universitäts-Verwandte. (6) V. Universitäts-Institute. (6) VI. Facultäten. (8) VII. Lehrer-Personal. (9) VIII. verzeichnis der Studirenden. (11) Uebersicht über die Zahl der Studirenden auf der Königl. Universität zu Kiel im Sommersemester 1868. (16) I. Summarische Uebersicht. (16) II. Immatrikulirte Inländer. (17) III. Immatrikulirte Nichtpreussen. (17) III. Index Scholarum In Academia Christiana Albertina Per Instans Semestre Hibernum A Die Inde XV Mensis Octobris MDCCCLXIII Usque Ad Diem XV Mensis Martii Anni MDCCCLXIX Publice Privatimque Habendarum. ([1]) Scholae Professorum Ordinariorum ([3]) Ex Ordine Theologico ([3]) Ex Ordine Iuridico. ([3]) Ex Ordine Medocorum. (4) Ex Ordine Philosophorum. (5) Professorum Extraordinariorum (5) Doctorum Privatorum (7) Lectores Linguarum Et Artium Magistri. (8) Tabellarische Uebersicht der Vorlesungen nach den Stunden geordnet. ([9]) An später zu bestimmenden Tagen und Stunden. ([12]) IV. Verzeichniss der Behörden, Commissionen, Beamten, Institute, Lehrer und Studirenden der Universität Kiel. Wintersemester 1868/1869. ([1]) I. Behörden. ([3]) II. Die besonderen politischen Rechte der Universität. (4) III. Academische Neben-Aemter und Commissionen. (4) IV. Officianten der Universität und Universitäts-Verwandte. (6) V. Universitäts-Institute. (7) VI. Facultäten. (9) VII. Lehrer-Personal. (10) VIII. Verzeichnis der Studirenden. (12) Uebersicht über die Zahl der Studirenden auf der Königl. Universität zu Kiel im Wintersemester 1868/69. (16) I. Summarische Uebersicht. (16) II. Immatrikulirte Inländer. (17) III. Immatrikulirte Nichtpreussen. (17) V. Chronik der Universität zu Kiel. ([1]) I. Personalnachrichten. ([3]) II. Von der Universität im Allgemeinen, und den Universitäts-Instituten. (7) 1) Zur Geschichte der Universität. (7) 2) Die Universitäts-Bibliothek. (13) 3) Das homiletische Seminar. (17) 4) Das katechetische Seminar. (18) 5) Das anatomische Institut. (18) 6) Das physiologische Laboratorium. (19) 7) Die medicinische Klinik im academischen Krankenhause. (20) 8) Die chirurgische Klinik. (28) 9) Die Augenklinik. (28) 10) Die Königliche Hebammenlehr- und Gebäranstalt. (35) 11) Das pathologisch-anatomische Institut. (37) 12) Die pharmacognostische Sammlung. (37) 13) Das Philologische Seminar. (38) 14) Kunst- und Münzsammlung. (38) 15) Das pädagogische Seminar. (38) 16) Zoologisch-zootomisches Museum. (38) 17) Der botanische Garten. (39) 18) Das mineralogische Museum. (39) 19) Das chemische Laboratorium. (40) 20) Das physikalische Institut. (40) 21) Das Museum vaterländischer Alterthümer. (40) III. Vom Convict und von den Stipendien. (44) VI. Meteorologische Beobachtungen. (46) Januar 1868. (46) Februar 1868. (46) März 1868. (47) April 1868. (47) Mai 1868. (48) Juni 1868. (48) Juli 1868. (49) August 1868. (49) September 1868. (50) October 1868. (50) November 1868. (51) December 1868. (51) Jahr 1868. (52) VI. [Festreden, Memoiren etc.] ( - ) Die Feier des Geburtstages Sr. Majestät des Königs Wilhelm I, welche am 22. März 1868 Mittags 12 Uhr durch eine Rede des ordentlichen Professors Dr. O. Ribbeck im grossen academischen Hörsaale festlich wird begangen werden zeigen hiermit an Rector und Consistorium der Christian-Albrechts-Universität. ( - ) [Die Papstverzeichnisse des Eusebios und der von ihm abhängigen Chronisten kritisch untersucht von Dr. R. A. Lipsius ordentlichem Professor der Theologie.] ([1]) Kapitel ([30]) Dämon Und Genius. Rede Zur Feier Des Geburtstages Sr. Majestät Des Königs Wilhelm I. Gehalten An Der Christian-Albrechts-Universität Am 22. März 1868 Von Dr. Otto Ribbeck, Ordentl. Professor Der Classischen Philologie Und Der Beredsamkeit. ([1]) Academische Festrede am hundertjährigen Geburtstage Friedrich Schleiermachers, dem 21. November 1868, an der Christian-Albrechts-Universität gehalten von Nicolaus Thomsen, Doktor und ordentlichem Professor der Theologie. d. Z. Dekan der theologischen Facultät. ([1]) VII. [Dissertationen] ([1]) De Poena Reorum, Qui E Carceris Custodia Effugiunt. ([1]) Widmung. ([3]) De Poena Reorum, Qui E Caceris Custodia Effugiunt. ([5]) Caput I. ([5]) Caput II. (15) Caput III. (19) Caput IV. (27) Theses. ([36]) Ueber Sinapismen. ([1]) Kapitel ([3]) Thesen. ([14]) Einiges Ueber Lungenentzündungen Beim Acuten Gelenkrheumatismus. ([1]) Kapitel ([3]) Thesen. ([20]) Nonnulla De Cantiiaridibus Et Cardoleo. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Kapitel ([5]) Theses Defendendae. ([15]) Ueber Die Qualitative Bestimmung Der Meconsæure Und Der Alkaloide Des Opiums Im Magen- Und Darminhalt Sowie Im Harn In Vergiftungsfællen. ([1]) Kapitel ([3]) Untersuchung des Harns. (12) Versuch nach Merk. (13) Gewinnung durch Diffusion. (14) Thesen. ([16]) Ein Fall Von Congenitaler Missbildung An Der Untern Extremität. ([1]) Vorwort ([3]) Kapitel ([5]) Erklärung der Tafeln. ([20]) Taf. I. ([21]) Taf. II. ([23]) Thesen. ([25]) Einige Fälle Von Spontaner Linsenluxation. ([1]) Kapitel ([3]) Thesen. ([11]) Über Die Polypen Des Mastdarms. ([1]) Ueber die Polypen des Mastdarms. ([3]) Thesen. ([41]) Abbildung ( - ) Einiges Zur Inversion Des Uterus. ([1]) Kapitel ([3]) Thesen. ([20]) Beitrag Zur Lehre Von Der Sclerodermia Adultorum. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Synonyma der Sclerodermia. ([5]) Status praesens. (8) Aetiologie. (10) Pathologische Anatomie. ([17]) Symptomatologie. ([25]) Thesen. ([36]) Berichtigung sinnentstellender Druckfehler in 1868. VII. Medic. IX. ([37]) Ueber Den Zeitlichen Werth Der Ausscheidungsgroesse Des Chinins Bei Gesunden Und Fieberhaft Kranken. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Kapitel ([5]) Quantitative Bestimmung des Chinins. (8) Vorversuche. (9) Art, Zweck und Ergebniss der Versuche. (12) Thesen. ([18]) Der Einfache Chronische Katarrh Des Mittelohres. ([1]) Kapitel ([3]) Pathogenese und Aetiologie. ([3]) Pathologische Anatomie. (11) Symptome und Verlauf. (14) Diagnose. (18) Prognose. (24) Therapie. (27) Thesen. ([32]) Einiges Ueber Die Myxome. ([1]) Synonyma. ([3]) Abbildungen ([17]) Thesen. ([19]) Beitrag Zur Statistik Der Modificirten Linearextraction. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Beitrag zur Statistik der modificirten Linearextraction. ([5]) Thesen. (20) Der Abdorminaltyphus Im Altonaer Krankenhause In Der Epidemie 1867/68. ([1]) Der Abdominaltyphus im Altonaer Krankenhause in der Epidemie 1867/68. ([3]) Praelectio. ([37]) Thesen. ([37]) Beitrage Zur Statistik Der Amputationen Und Resectionen. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Kapitel ([5]) Thesen. (29) Erklärung der Tafel. ( - ) Abbildungen ( - ) Einiges Ueber Den Mastdarmkrebs Und Dessen Exstirpation. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Literatur. ([5]) Abbildungen. (14) Eigene Fälle. (14) Allgemeines. (20) Thesen. ([28]) Ueber Den Einfluss Der Schwangerschaft Auf Das Wachsthum Und Des Wachsthums Auf Zahl Und Gewicht Der Jungen, Nach Beobachtungen An Meerschweinchen. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Kapitel ([5]) I. Einfluss der Schwangerschaft auf das Wachsthum. (9) Tabelle I. (10) Tabelle II. (12) Tabelle III. (13) Tabelle IV. (14) Tabelle V. Nach der Entbindung: (16) Tabelle VI. (17) Tabelle VII. (18) II. Einfluss des Wachsthums auf die Schwangerschaft (20) Tabelle VIII. (21) Tabelle IX. (21) Thesen. ([27]) Beitraege Zur Chemie Der Lymphe. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Kapitel ([5]) Thesen. ([15]) Beitrag Zur Casuistik Der Ovariotomieen. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Kapitel ([5]) 15 Ovariotomien, zusammengestellt nach Nussbaums Schema. (16) Thesen. ([31]) Die Chorea St. Viti. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Die Cholera St. Viti. ([5]) I. Geschichtliches. ([5]) II. Definition und Symptome. (7) III. Statistisches. (9) IV. Aetiologie. (12) V. Prognose. (19) VI. Therapie. (20) Thesen. ([22]) Beitraege Zur Behandlung Der Syphilis Und Des Ulcus Molle. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Abschnitt ([4]) Kapitel ([5]) Tab. I. (10) Tab. II. (10) Tab. III. (11) Tab. IV. (11) Tab. V. (12) Tab. VI. (15) Tab. VII. (17) Tab. VIII. (19) Tab. IX. (20) Tab. X. (24) Tab. XI. (27) Thesen. ([33]) Beitrag Zur Quantitativen Analyse Der Milch. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Kapitel ([5]) Thesen. ([14]) Die Vergroesserung Der Herzdaempfung Bei Chlorotischen. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Kapitel ([5]) Thesen. ([14]) Drei Fälle Myelogener Osteosarkome Aus Der Hiesigen Chirurgischen Klinik. ([1]) Kapitel ([3]) Thesen. ([24]) Abbildung ( - ) Experimentelle Studien Zur Physiologie Des Gehörorgans. ([1]) Widmung ([3]) Experimentelle Studien zur Physiologie des Gehörorgans. ([5]) Ueber die Resistenz des Trommelfells. (6) Sensibilität des Gehörganges und des Trommelfells. (7) Versuche über die Berührung des Trommelfells mit Sonden. (9) Versuche über das Hören im Wasser. (14) Ueber einige entotische Geräusche. (19) Versuche über den Mechanismus und die Schwingungen der Gehörknöchelchen. (26) Versuche mit der Müller'schen Flasche. (41) Thesen. ([53]) Ein Fall Von Ruptura Uteri Durch Ein Sogenanntes Stachelbecken Veranlasst. ([1]) Kapitel ([3]) Thesen. ([15]) Einige Faelle Von Cataracta Traumatica. ([1]) Kapitel ([3]) Thesen. ([21]) Ein Fall Von Carcinomatoeser Pfortader-Thrombose. Aus Der Hiesigen Medicinischen Klinik. ([1]) Litteratur. ([3]) Kapitel ([5]) Thesen. ([15]) Abbildung ( - ) Ueber Temperaturverhaeltnisse Beim Diabetes Mellitus. ([1]) Kapitel ([3]) Thesen. ([11]) Die Starke Conjugation Im Tatian. ([1]) Einleitung. ([3]) A. Starke Conjugation mit Bindevocal. ([7]) B. Starke Conjugation ohne Bindevocal. (16) Ethices Stoicae Apud M. Aurelium Antoninum Fundamenta. ([1]) Kapitel ([3]) Verhandlungen Ueber Die Theilnahme Der Deutschen Reichsstände Am Westfälischen Friedenscongresse Bis Zur Verlegung Des Deputationsconventes Von Frankfurt Nach Muenster. ( - ) I. ([1]) II. (8) Abschnitt ( - ) Einband ( - ) Abschnitt ( - )

On Tuesday night, speaking to an audience of Army cadets at West Point Academy in a much anticipated response to his general's request for additional troops, President Obama announced a new strategy for the war in Afghanistan. It was a somber speech, delivered with his usual trademark of logic, rhetorical skill and assertiveness, but also with a certain emotion. At crucial moments in it, Obama looked straight into the camera, making direct eye-contact with the individual spectator, summoning his support in an effort he seems to be taking up somewhat reluctantly. He outlined a new strategy for the eight-year old war that will include immediate deployment of 30,000 new US troops to protect civilians, clear and defeat the insurgents and train Afghan forces in order to be able to begin the draw down in eighteen months. This new surge will be supplemented by additional NATO troops and Afghan national forces to meet the original 40,000 troops demanded by General McCrystal. After three months of deliberation, the President has decided to heed the advice of his generals and his Defense Secretary, and proceed with a military escalation of the conflict. In so doing, he rejected the logic of Vice President Biden who rhetorically asked earlier this year why the US spent 30 times as much in Afghanistan as it did in Pakistan, when it was well-known that Al Qaeda or what is left of it, is in the tribal regions of Pakistan. Lately he had argued against more troops (because the central government was an unreliable, weak and corrupt partner) and in favor of shifting the mission to killing or capturing main insurgency leaders, establishing more ties with local tribal leaders and giving more support to Pakistan. On Wednesday morning, however, Biden appeared in the morning news shows to defend the President's decision unequivocally.The next morning, in hearings before the Senate's Armed Forces Committee, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton fleshed out the main objectives of the surge more fully: training Afghan forces, eliminating safe havens, stabilizing a region fundamental to American national security. She also emphasized the importance of the parallel "civilian surge" which the President had also mentioned in passing and whose job will be to develop the agricultural base away from opium and to further strengthen institutions at every level of Afghan society, so as "not to leave chaos behind" when troops are drawn down and responsibility is transferred to the Afghan government. Finally, she stressed the need to develop long-term relations with both Afghanistan and Pakistan. Indeed, Obama's three-pronged strategy includes not only military and civilian components for counter insurgence and institution-building, but also a strategic partnership with Pakistan, whose government can help contain the Taliban, destroy Al Qaeda and prevent it from gaining access to nuclear material. Unfortunately, during his speech the President did not spend much time explaining the importance of that relationship. Another important omission was the inclusion of other regional actors in the process of conflict resolution. But the truth is Obama was performing an extremely difficult balancing act, trying to simultaneously gain the support of disparate groups at home and abroad for a last-ditch effort to win an eight year old war in a context of war fatigue, massive debt and a weak economy. That also explains why in his speech he denied any intentions of nation-building (public opinion in the US is strongly against it mainly because of the cost and the long-term commitment it implies) and instead focused on transferring responsibility to the Afghans themselves for their own defense.In articulating both an escalation and an exit strategy at the same time, the President opened himself to criticism from both the Right and the Left. While the Right was very supportive of the surge itself, it was quite critical of his timeline for withdrawal, which they say, will only embolden insurgents to wait the troops out. The Left of his party, led by Moveon.org, responded negatively to the increase of troops, which they regard as "deepening (US) involvement in a quagmire." Meanwhile, and in spite of much commentary to the contrary, the White House insists that the President made this decision because he feels it is the right one, and that electoral considerations played no role in the process (although the withdrawal in the summer of 2011 conveniently coincides with the beginning of his presidential campaign for re-election!) Instead, pundits favorable to the President were quick to point out that a time frame was absolutely needed to provide a sense of urgency to the Afghan government itself so that it will clean up its act and take advantage of this "new window of opportunity" as Secretary Clinton put it. However, it is obvious to the same pundits that the pace and time of withdrawal will most likely be dictated by the conditions on the ground in the summer of 2011 and not by the pre-established timetable. Whether it is for political or strategic reasons, the fact is, the President has made speed, (that is, a quick deployment of new forces followed by quick withdrawal), the central tenet of his new strategy, and while providing for a civilian surge, he has underplayed the nation-building aspects of the mission for the obvious reason: that they undermine the credibility of a speedy exit strategy.Whether or not this strategy works, his decision on Afghanistan has gained Obama some time free from the crushing criticism of the opposition whom he has silenced for the moment; he has pleased Independents (66% of whom trusted the generals over Obama in planning the war strategy; 48% were in favor of more troops, as opposed to only 30% of Democrats); and he can now turn to the two other major challenges facing his administration: public discontent with the economic situation and the battle for health care reform. The latter won a major victory two weeks ago when the Senate voted to bring the bill to the floor for discussion. Still, between the Thanksgiving break last week and the end- of -the -year holidays it is very unlikely this discussion will bear fruit within this calendar year, as was the President's goal. And the more the bill gets delayed the more the public option gets diluted to the point that it will all but disappear from a final version. Since April the President's plan has lost Independent support steadily (only 25% of Independents opposed it in April, now 50% are against it, while among Democrats it has wide support, with only 22% opposing the public option).On the economic front, five times more Independents than Democrats hold Obama responsible for what has gone wrong. They blame him for salvaging the banks but not their jobs. In light of this, Obama has summoned a job creation "summit" to be held later this week in the White House. While most see it as a public relations tactic, with unemployment having surpassed 10%the public is demanding action, and job recovery is key to getting the Independent vote back. With his approval rate hovering at 50%, the President is in dire need of striking some points and delivering some victories before the end of the year. Amid a rising wave of populism that is both anti-Wall Street and anti-government, he needs to show that he can make government work. After a seamless campaign and after months of relying on his own personal charisma and his gifted oratory to coax and persuade the public, the magic seems to be wearing off: he now needs to find other ways to reach the voters. Of course, performance will be the safest one: Independent voters want competence and results: they want him to show them that he can govern. This has proven elusive for many reasons beyond his control, but lately some mistakes were made that could have been prevented. This is a young White House and in spite of their mastery of the new technologies to connect with young voters and their ability to establish their own narrative about the President, in the last few weeks Obama and his close advisers seem to have lost some of their attention to details insofar as his public image is concerned, for example the importance of certain visual and other non-verbal signals. The trip to Asia provides myriad examples of this: the "unforced error" of bowing too deep to the Emperor of Japan, which was ridiculed by the media on all sides of the political spectrum; his tense press conference in China during which both he and Hu Jintao stiffly read prepared statements, after which neither took questions; the town-hall style meeting with students in Shanghai, in which he said "the Internet should be free and all should have access to it" but which was only shown by local TV and in a very slow live feed on the internet, and later all references to it were deleted from all websites. Even a picture of Obama alone by the Great Wall of China was interpreted as a bad visual that suggested isolation, and while this may be an over-interpretation, there is a reason why commentators made that association. Obama is having a very hard time keeping his coalition of independents, moderates and liberals together. The unraveling of his coalition is constraining every policy choice he makes, as he has to measure at every step not only the costs of each decision but also the opposition he is likely to face from within his own party. He thus feels limited in his choices and picks a middle of the road solution that does not fully satisfy his purposes and makes him a target from the two extremes of the political spectrum. In many cases, as in the Afghan war,there are no good choices but this is hard to confess to a public to whom he promised change and that is expecting him to deliver.With his new Afghan decision President Obama may have swayed many hawkish independents to his side but the question is for how long. Soon Obama may find that while nation-building abroad may be difficult, nation-building at home is a task he cannot postpone any longer. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

학위논문 (박사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 사범대학 사회교육과(역사전공), 2020. 8. 유용태. ; 본 연구는 청이 불평등조약과 서양 국제법 서적을 통해 주외공관 제도를 수용하는 과정을 분석한 다음, 이것이 주한공관 설립과 한청 근대외교로 이어지는 모습을 고찰하였다. 이 과정에서 전통외교와 근대외교 각각에서 유래한 합리성과 제국성이 작용하는 양상에 유의하였다. 요컨대, 외교학의 용어와 개념은 물론 주외공관의 운영 원리에 착목하여 청의 주한공관을 체계적으로 밝힌 개척적인 연구라 할 수 있다. 청은 아편전쟁으로 체결한 불평등조약에 따라 주외공관 제도를 수용하였다. 이후 열강이 속속 설립한 주청공관은 자국인을 보호하고 외교 협상을 효과적으로 전개하는 한편, 영사재판권·포함외교 등을 통해 자국의 이익을 확보하였다. 한편 이 시기 청에 번역 소개된 󰡔만국공법󰡕 등의 서양 국제법 서적 또한 주외공관의 역할, 권리, 의무 등을 총체적으로 설명하는 한편, 非서구에 대한 영사재판권과 포함외교를 정당화하였다. 이를 통해 청에서는 합리성과 제국성으로 대표되는 주외공관 인식이 형성되었다. 본고가 불평등조약과 서양 국제법 서적에서 公使·領事 등의 번역어가 정착되는 과정을 분석한 결과는 청의 주외공관 인식이 심화되는 과정을 잘 보여준다. 이러한 상황에서 대외 위기가 고조되자, 청 정부 내에서는 상주사절 파견론이 대두하였다. 그 결과, 청은 영국을 시작으로 해외 각국에 공사관을 개설하고, 싱가포르 등 청국인이 많이 거주하는 지역에는 영사관을 설립하기 시작하였다. 청의 주외공관은 현지에서 교섭 사무, 자국민 보호, 정보 수집 등 다양한 업무를 수행하였다. 이는 청이 불평등조약에 따라 설립된 열강의 주청공관을 관찰하고, 서양 국제법 서적을 번역 이해한 결과였다. 이러한 흐름 속에서 1883년 청은 첫 번째 주한공관으로서 주조선상무서를 설립하였다. 그런데 주조선상무서는 분명 근대외교의 산물이었으나 청과 조선은 아직 전통외교를 적용하고 있었다. 따라서 주조선상무서는 전통외교와 근대외교가 착종된 과도적 형태의 주한공관이라 할 수 있다. 이것은 청이 진수당의 직함을 총판상무위원이라 하면서도 사실상 총영사의 지위를 부여한 데서도 잘 나타난다. 진수당은 주로 청 상인의 경제적 이익을 확보하는 방향으로 제국성을 표출하였고, 이를 합리성으로 분식하기 위해 전통외교와 근대외교를 선택적으로 활용하였다. 이 시기 한성·인천·부산·원산에 설립된 주조선상무서는 판리조선상무장정을 토대로 운영되면서 진수당의 활동을 뒷받침하였다. 1885년 청은 진수당을 경질하고 그 후임으로 원세개를 임명하였다. 이때 원세개에게는 총리교섭통상사의라는 직함과 총영사 겸 4등공사라는 지위가 부여되었다. 본고는 원세개가 지닌 4등공사의 지위에 주목하여, 이것을 원세개가 상국의 대표로서 조선의 외교를 주지한 법적 근거였음을 밝혔다. 그러나 원세개는 외교뿐 아니라 내정에까지 개입하였고, 이 과정에서 전통외교와 근대외교를 선택적으로 구사하여 제국성을 더욱 강렬히 표출하였는데, 이는 원세개의 독단적인 판단이 아니라 어디까지나 청 정부의 암묵적 동의에 따른 것이었다. 이 시기 원세개가 임기를 마친 후에도 두 차례나 더 유임되었고, 주조선상무서의 규모가 대폭 확장되고 용산상무서가 신설된 것은 원세개의 활동을 뒷받침하는 토대로 작용하였다. 그러던 중 청일전쟁이 일어나며 주조선상무서는 폐쇄되었다. 그러나 청은 1896년 총상동·총영사 당소의를 파견하여 주조선영사서를 개설하였다. 이때 당소의가 비공식 사절을 자처하였던 만큼, 주조선영사서 또한 비공식 기구에 머물렀다. 청이 자국민을 보호하면서도 조선의 수교 요구는 거부하기 위해 일종의 편법을 사용했던 것이다. 청은 마지못해 수교를 결정한 다음에도 4등공사 또는 흠차대신을 파견하려고 하는 등, 여전히 대한제국에 전통외교를 적용하려는 태도를 보였다. 1899년 한청수교가 이루어진 후, 청은 두 번째 주한공관인 주한공사관·영사관을 개설하였다. 이는 결국 청이 대한제국에 근대외교를 전면 적용하게 되었음을 의미하는 것이다. 주한공사 서수붕, 허태신, 증광전은 서양 국제법과 한청통상조약에 근거하여 교섭 사무를 처리해 나갔고, 이 무렵 신설된 外務部가 주외공관 제도의 개편에 나서면서 주한공사관·영사관의 합리성은 한층 보강되었다. 이 시기 청이 제국성을 표출하기 어려워진 상황과 달리 대한제국에서는 열강을 모방한 제국성이 생겨나기 시작하였다. 제1·2차 한일협약 이후에는 청의 주한공사관이 철수하고 주한영사관이 그 공백을 채웠다. 이 시기 한국총영사 마정량은 주한공사에 버금가는 권한을 지녔고, 주한영사관의 규모는 더욱 확장되었다. 본고는 이 시기 청 정부가 주외공관 제도를 개편하면서, 주한영사관의 관제가 개편되고 관원에 대한 대우가 개선된 것에 주목하였다. 이는 대한제국이 국권을 상실해 가는 상황에서도 청의 주한공관이 지닌 합리성이 증진되었음을 의미한다. 그러나 한국총영사 마정량은 각종 현안을 교섭하는 과정에서 합리성을 내세웠지만, 대한제국을 매개로 일본이 표출하는 제국성에 대응하는 과제를 안게 되었다. 그리고 한일병합으로 대한제국이 주권을 상실한 후에도 주한영사관은 주조선영사관으로 명칭을 바꾸어 존속하였으나, 한청관계가 일청관계로 대체되었기에 그 위상은 점차 낮아졌다. 본 연구에서 청말 주한공관을 한청관계의 맥락 위에 놓고 전통외교와 근대외교의 착종 과정에 주목한 것은 선행 연구의 보완과 연구 지평의 확대라는 측면에서 다음과 같은 의미를 지니고 있다. 첫째, 중국외교사의 측면에서, 청의 주한공관은 중앙 정부와 개인 차원의 외교 행위를 상호 관련성 속에서 이해할 수 있도록 하는 발판이 된다. 특히 청의 근대외교는 합리성을 갖추고 있었던 것은 물론 속국에 대해서는 명백히 제국성을 띠었던 만큼, 청의 근대외교가 지닌 후진성이나 反침략성을 강조해 온 선행 연구의 관점은 재고될 필요가 있다. 둘째, 한중관계사의 측면에서, 청의 조선 정책은 전통외교와 근대외교 양쪽 모두에서 유래한 합리성과 제국성이 길항하는 과정에서 그 양상을 달리하였음을 규명하였다. 따라서 청의 조선 정책을 전통적인 속방 체제의 강화 또는 근대적 제국주의 어느 한쪽으로 이해하는 것보다는 양측 모두가 착종한 양상에 주목하는 것이 적절하다. ; This study examined the way in which Qing dynasty had introduced the diplomatic office system through unequal treaties and the Western international law books, and figured out relevance between Qing's diplomatic offices in Korea and Sino-Korean modern diplomacy. In particular, this article paid attention to the manifestation that rationality and empireness of the diplomatic offices appeared and the aspect that the traditional diplomacy and modern diplomacy competed. In premodern times, traditional diplomacy based on tributes and installation was widely practiced in East Asia. But traditional diplomacy shook and modern diplomacy spread after the Opium War. In particular, the diplomatic offices of Western powers were symbol of modern diplomacy. Qing's understanding of the diplomatic office deepened through unequal treaties and Western international law books. The unequal treaty that Qing dynasty signed with the Western powers included clauses related to the diplomatic offices. The Western international law books introduced by Qing also included contents related to the diplomatic offices. In short course, the idea of dispatching resident envoys emerged in the Qing government. In this situation, Qing started to set up legations and consulates abroad. The diplomatic offices of Qing dynasty carried out various tasks, including negotiation affairs, protection of citizens, and gathering information. These diplomatic offices were based on the reference of the Western powers' diplomatic offices and Western international law books, therefore they contained both rationality and empireness of modern diplomacy. Paradoxically, rationality and empireness were fully expressed in the East Asian country. Qing's diplomatic offices in Korea can be explained in terms of rationality and empireness, and the change of Qing's diplomatic offices in Korea can be divided into the following two periods. The first phase is the founding period of the Qing's diplomatic offices in Korea. In this period, Qing aimed at making the Chosun her vassal state through the Commercial Affair Office. The General Commissioner of Trade Chen Shu-Tang established several Commercial Affair Office. In fact, the Commissioner of Trade was equal to the consul, and the Commercial Affair Office was equal to the consulate. But Qing avoid the term 'consul', 'consulate' to emphasize the vassal status of Chosun. Yuan Shi-Kai as a successor to Chen Shu-Tang corresponded to diplomatic minister. In this period, Qing and Chosun experimented the modern diplomacy through the diplomatic offices, but the traditional diplomacy was still valid. Qing made a use of modern diplomacy and traditional diplomacy arbitrarily. The second phase is the completing period of the Qing's diplomatic offices in Korea. In 1896, Qing established the consulate in Korea to protect the Chinese and avoid Chosun's call for diplomatic ties. After deciding to establish diplomatic ties, Qing planned to dispatch the fourth minister, and soon changed it to the minister plenipotentiary. This phenomenon symbolically shows the shift from traditional diplomacy to modern diplomacy. In 1899, Qing established a legation and consulates after concluding Sino-Korean treaty of commerce. The ministers of Korea treated the negotiation with Korea on the basis of the Western International law and Sino-Korean treaty of commerce. At that time, Qing established the Department of Foreign Affairs to reform diplomatic institutions. As a result the rationality of modern diplomacy increased, but the empireness of modern diplomacy was difficult to appear. In 1906, Qing decided to withdraw legation of Korea by request of Japan, and the consulate then dealt with task of the legation. Accordingly, consul general of Korea Ma Ting-Liang came close to minister of Korea, and the consulate grew in size. At that time, Qing government reformed the diplomatic office institutions, so consulates of Korea were reformed and diplomat treatment improved. After Japan-Korea Treaty of 1910, Sino-Korean relations ended, but the consulate of Korea still maintained changing its name to consulate of Chosun. In short, the consulate of Korea had developed in a way that enhances the rationality of modern diplomacy, but had to defend against Japanese empireness. This study has the following meanings in terms of supplementation of prior research and expansion of research horizon. First, this article revealed that Qing's empireness before Sino-Japanese War had come from both traditional diplomacy and modern diplomacy. Therefore preceding researches which have judged Qing's Chosun policy traditional or modern need to be reconsidered. Second, this article discovered the rationality from modern diplomacy in proceeding of Sino-Korean relations. Several preceding researches didn't stress on the development of Sino-Korean relations. It is clear that the rationality of modern diplomacy increased in this time. ; 제1부 淸末 駐外公館 制度의 도입 15 Ⅰ. 제1·2차 아편전쟁과 주외공관 제도의 유입 15 1. 해외 각국의 주청공관 설립 과정 15 2. 불평등조약의 領事·公使 번역 양상 26 Ⅱ. 서양 국제법 서적과 주외공관 제도의 이해 32 1. 윌리엄 마틴의 서양 국제법 서적 번역 32 2. 서양 국제법 서적의 주외공관 제도 서술 39 Ⅲ. 주외공관 제도의 구상과 실천 54 1. 상주사절 파견론의 전개 과정 54 2. 주외공관의 설립과 운영 64 小結 81 제2부 청의 駐朝鮮商務署와 近代外交의 胎動 82 Ⅰ. 청의 陳樹棠 파견과 주조선상무서의 설립 82 1. 주조선상무서의 설립 배경 82 2. 總辦商務委員 진수당의 위상과 활동 93 3. 진수당 재임 시기 주조선상무서의 운영 양상 106 Ⅱ. 청의 袁世凱 파견과 주조선상무서의 변화 114 1. 總理交涉通商事宜 원세개의 위상과 활동 114 2. 원세개 재임 시기 주조선상무서의 운영 양상 133 Ⅲ. 주조선상무서의 交涉 창구와 相應 기구 140 1. 주조선상무서와 統理交涉通商事務衙門의 교섭 관계 140 2. 주조선상무서와 駐津·駐滬使館의 상응 관계 145 小結 152 제3부 청의 駐韓公使館·領事館과 近代外交의 展開 153 Ⅰ. 청의 唐紹儀 파견과 駐朝鮮領事署의 설립 153 1. 總商董·總領事 당소의의 위상과 활동 153 2. 당소의 재임 시기 주조선영사서의 운영 양상 165 Ⅱ. 韓淸修交와 駐韓公使館·領事館의 설립 170 1. 韓淸通商條約의 체결과 근대외교의 개시 170 2. 駐韓公使의 위상과 활동 178 3. 주한공사 재임 시기 주한공사관·영사관의 운영 양상 188 Ⅲ. 乙巳條約과 駐韓·駐朝鮮領事館으로의 축소 196 1. 韓國總領事 마정량의 위상과 활동 196 2. 마정량 재임 시기 주한·주조선영사관의 운영 양상 207 Ⅳ. 주한공사관·영사관의 교섭 창구와 상응 기구 220 1. 주한공사관과 外部의 교섭 관계 220 2. 주한공사관·영사관과 주청공사관·영사관의 상응 관계 223 小結 228 結論 229 參考文獻 237 Abstract 257 ; Doctor

Satisfied with some important progress being made in health care reform on the home front, these past few days President Obama turned his full attention to foreign policy. In a week packed with international speeches, bilateral meetings and joint declarations, he succeeded in establishing a new ambitious agenda for international cooperation and wasted no time in getting started. In his speech to the UN, he outlined his main foreign policy goals based on four pillars: non-proliferation, climate change, Middle East peace and economic stability. He spoke clearly about his determination to put an end to the international skepticism and distrust the United States faced during the Bush years and enumerated the changes already made: banning the use of torture, closing the Guantánamo base, drawing down forces in Iraq, renewing efforts in the Arab-Israeli conflict by naming a special envoy, seriously addressing climate change and abandoning plans for a land-based missile defense in Eastern Europe. He challenged other leaders to respond in kind by joining US efforts at non-proliferation, fighting terrorism, taking measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and combating poverty. A day later in Pittsburgh for the G-20 summit, the President, flanked by British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and French President Sarkozy, revealed a new nuclear facility built by Iran in the city of Qum and called for further sanctions on the Islamic Republic. This well-timed revelation is supposed to give the administration some more leverage when talks with the Iranians start later this week. As it happens, the US had known about this new uranium enriching plant for more than a year but had kept the information secret for later use. In Pittsburgh, with France and Britain safely on his side, the President had further opportunity to press the other two members of the UN Security Council, Russia and China, to cooperate with the new sanctions regime that will most likely include imports of refined oil into Iran. While Russia appears to be leaning towards cooperation (perhaps as a quid pro quo of Obama's decision not to deploy the anti-missile defense system in Poland and Czech Republic), it is not as yet clear whether the Chinese will too. This week has been a good one for China, which seems to be coming of age as an international player both in climate change and as a partner for economic stability in the G-20. But the revelation at Qum was certainly a pre-emptive coup that put the Iranians on the defensive, and gave Obama an opportunity to publicly test the other Permanent Members of the Security Council to prove their commitment to non-proliferation.As the United States moves aggressively to engage with the rest of the world and vows to renew its pledge to international law and institutions, the expectation is that others will take their share of responsibility and respond to global challenges. Obama's moral authority flows not only from what he says, and how he says it, but also by virtue of who he is: in his case, the man is the message and the intended drastic cut with his predecessor could not be more apparent. However, as Realists constantly remind us, foreign policy is about national interest defined as power, and while the change of tone and of emissary is well-noted, we are likely to see some change, but also a lot of continuity in US foreign policy. Barack Obama's first speech at the United Nations General Assembly was well-received around the world but had less impact on a home audience whose main concerns are unemployment, health care reform and economic recovery. Inevitably, the usual suspects accused him of treason for recognizing America's past mistakes in public and for socializing with tyrants. Others denounced his narcissistic impulses, for trying to portray American foreign policy as "all about Obama". While it is easy to dismiss the extreme critics, it is important for the rest of the world to realize how much the United Nations' legitimacy and prestige has suffered in the United States during the last ten years, and not only due to derisions by Bolton and Bush. TV images of the UN headquarters in New York seem distant and irrelevant to most Americans, who view the organization as an anachronistic shibboleth that embodies all fluff and no substance and whose activities are hard to take seriously in most cases, be it when it deals with Rwanda, Darfur or with Iranian sanctions. At this year's opening session, the General Assembly room, with a badly lit podium and a very unbecoming blue-greenish background, was showing its age in spite of a 2002 facelift (it was built in 1952). And while Obama was as dynamic and articulate as usual, his televised speech was followed by that of Mohammad Khadafy from Libya, which lasted one hour and a half and included bizarre statements and phrases that can only be accounted for by a serious onset of senility. Besides calling for a UN investigation of John F. Kennedy's assassination, and surreally complaining about how far most of those present had had to travel to get to New York (was jetlag his excuse to explain away his own state of mental confusion?), he repeatedly called President Obama "my son" (I cringed at imagining the right wing blogs reaction to that) and referred to the UN Security Council as the "Terror Council". His difficulty to find a place in New York where he would be allowed to pitch his tent was followed with amusement by the media and further added to his own oddity, and by extension, to the inadequacy of the UN as a serious forum. While later Prime Minister Netanyahu's excellent, Churchill-like speech brought the audience back to the 21st century and restored some respectability to the venue, the UN lost credibility again when Iranian president Ahmadinejad went on a new rant later in the day and again and proceeded once more to deny the Holocaust's existence. In addition to this rarified atmosphere, the main foreign policy topic that is of concern for the American public, and the one that would have made them pay attention, namely, the war in Afghanistan was hardly mentioned by Obama in this occasion. After eight years of war in Afghanistan, the effort seems to be unraveling on all fronts. European NATO members, whose soldiers are fighting and dying in Afghanistan, are unwilling or unable to commit more troops; the Taliban has renewed its offensives with new intensity in the south and the east of the country, and the Afghan election was plagued with corruption, proving what many already suspected, that President Hamid Karzai is an extremely unreliable partner and a corrupt leader who will not be able to hold the country together. At the same time, Al Qaeda has found refuge in neighboring Pakistan so the US initial counterterrorist mission, namely to hunt down and exterminate Al Qaeda, has mutated into one of counterinsurgency against an indigenous group, the Taliban, fighting against the government and the foreign forces to regain its power. All this in a country that has never been a nation, a narco-state whose economic base is the production and trafficking of opium, and where several empires, from the Macedonians to the British and the Soviets were once defeated. The President's plan so far has been to train the Afghan army so that it can hold off the Taliban, support government institutions, gain the trust of villagers and create structures of governance in rural areas so that Al Qaeda won't be able to move in again. This week a Pentagon memo by General Crystal was leaked by Bob Woodward of Watergate fame. Published in the Washington Post on September 21st, it presents a grim picture of the war and warns that success is uncertain. It calls for new resources and a new counterinsurgency campaign. While the number of troops requested is not specified, it warns that "under-resourcing" the effort could be fatal. Woodward, never one to sell himself short, has called his leaked memo the equivalent of the 1971 Pentagon Papers leaked by Daniel Ellsberg in the New York Times, which revealed the expansion of the Vietnam War from 1965 on, that had been kept secret from the American public. Of course the memo is not the equivalent of Ellsberg and Russo's revelations, but still, it refocused attention on the intractability of this war. The President's response has been that after the Afghan election, the White House is re-assessing its strategy and that until he is satisfied with a new strategy he will not send more troops. It is clear that the administration is having doubts about a conflict it once called a war of necessity. Public opinion is also turning against what will soon be the longest war in American history, as casualties continue to increase and there is no end in sight. As the term "military surge" is being increasingly used to denote McCrystal's new demands, comparisons with the war in Iraq are inevitable. Similarly to the Iraq war, elections have represented a turning point. But the surge in Iraq began with the so-called Sunni awakening, when the Iraqis themselves decided they had had enough of the violence and organized against those that insisted on it (mainly outsiders, Al Qaeda-in-Iraq). Also, in Iraq's leader Al-Maliki, the US found a relatively reliable and legitimate partner, one who instigated the political class to resolve their differences by political means. Finally, Iraq had an economic base that could be restored to produce substantial national wealth, and a mostly urban, well-educated population with some institutional experience. In contrast, Afghanistan is a mainly rural country, a tribal society which repudiates any attempts at centralization and profoundly distrusts the government in Kabul more, in some cases, than the foreign troops. The central government is rotten and weak, Karzai an unreliable leader who stole the election and whose brother is the head of the drug mafia. Can more US troops make up for all these weaknesses?Obama is thus in a delicate situation: he can't be "at war" with his own generals (indeed, General McCrystal was appointed by Obama only in March, after he dismissed the previous general in charge). On the other hand, if he allows more troops to be deployed, there is danger that Afghanistan may become his Vietnam. He therefore needs to choose between continuing a counterinsurgency operation, training more Afghan forces, protecting the local populations, getting into their villages and gaining their trust, or withdrawing ground troops and focusing on counter-terrorism, using drones and other off-shore means and special forces to go after the terrorist bases. Vice-President Biden is advocating a middle ground strategy: leaving enough troops on the ground to prevent Al Qaeda from returning to Afghanistan, but redefining the mission as one of narrow counter-terrorism and move away from nation-building and a protracted counter-insurgency operation that would signify more US casualties and more discontent at home. After all, the main reason why the US went to Afghanistan was to confront and eliminate Al Qaeda, which has since then moved across the border to the tribal areas of Pakistan. As several domestic arrests have demonstrated this week, Al Qaeda threats are just as likely to come from Springfield Illinois, Queens New York or Dallas Texas as from abroad or from the virtual Al Qaeda organizing through the worldwide web. Recalibrating his approach to Afghanistan is thus imperative, and it must be done for the right reasons, regardless of personal gain or saving face.Obama has had a very successful September, but his ambitious agenda both at home and abroad faces many pitfalls ahead. A youthful president, brimming with self-confidence, with a huge electoral mandate and with the best team of experts in history, can still be thwarted by unsolvable problems, domestic and foreign enemies and by serendipity itself. As a student of history and a John F Kennedy admirer, Obama knows this, and he should measure his decisions and temper his ambitions accordingly. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia