Suchergebnisse

Au lendemain de la guerre, l'intégration européenne a captivé l'imagination des hommes politiques et des citoyens ordinaires. Cette nouvelle Europe était une perspective de futur, en particulier pour les jeunes de la prochaine génération de citoyens européens. Les initiatives en matière d'éducation sont donc devenues une préoccupation majeure. Il semblait que la compréhension entre les jeunes était le moyen de surmonter la dévastation de la dernière guerre. Une analyse des initiatives nationales en matière d'éducation qui encouragent les idées d'intégration européenne illustrera une part de l'esprit de l'idéalisme européen de ces débuts et peut également donner quelques indications supplémentaires sur un soutien élargi à l'intégration européenne. La volonté politique de lui donner une suite populaire constituait pour les dirigeants démocratiques de l'époque la seule base légitime pour une Europe prospère et pacifique. Cet article montrera quelques-unes des idées éducatives les plus intéressantes du processus initial d'intégration en montrant son caractère idéaliste. En élargissant l'analyse politique au-delà des politiques gouvernementales, elle prendra en compte les contributions des députés des parlements nationaux de la France, de l'Allemagne et de la Grande-Bretagne. Cette preuve écartera complètement l'argument d'un « consensus permissif » introduit par Inglehart et discréditera l'argument économique de Milward comme la principale explication de l'intégration européenne.

The methodology to approach the field of education depends on the quality analysis and, above all, on its impact on the internal performance of the system and on the evaluation of different development policies. Meanwhile, it is important to take into account the macroeconomic and budgetary aspects that determine and resources available to reinforce the education system and the constraints as well. Hence, this analysis should focus on indicators that are assimilated into a methodological repertoire of several parameters that intentionally affect political decisions. The main objective of this article relies on valuing the use of analyses and econometric techniques in the field of social sciences. In particular for the realization of an analytical study and a forecasting study, in an attempt to measure and evaluate the impact of public financing of elementary education in Morocco and its impact on performance indicators, from a longitudinal perspective of 40 years, covering the period from 1979 to 2018.

The education and housing of ethnic minorities in the United States.
Nathan GLAZER
Busing was proposed as a solution to the existence of segregated schools in the United States. The goal was to eliminate the difference between black and white schools by having children attend public-schools nearest to where they lived in order to overcorne the demeaning distinction of race in law and assist the segregating schools to improve their program.
The solution was apparently simple, but it did not happen because of political resistance.
The problem of school integration by way of residential integration seems as difficult to realize as busing.

Roemer's' 1998 seminal work on equality of opportunity has contributed to the emergence of a theory of justice that is modern, conceptually clear and easy to mobilize in policy design. In this paper,we apply Roemer's theory to education policy. We first analyze the reallocations of educational expenditure required to equalize opportunities (taken to be test scores close to the end of compulsoryeducation). Using Brazilian data, we find that implementing an equal-opportunity policy across pupils of different socio-economic background, by using per-pupil spending as the instrument, andensuring that nobody receives less that 1/3 of the current national average, requires multiplying by 8.6 the current level of spending on the lowest achieving pupils. This result is driven by the extremely lowelasticity of scores to per-pupil spending. As such, it implies large reallocations that are probably politically unacceptable. By exploiting our knowledge of the education production function we then identifyways of reducing financial reallocations needed to achieve equality of opportunity. We show that the simultaneous redistribution of monetary and nonmonetary inputs, like peer group quality (i.e.,desegregation) and school effectiveness (i.e., equalizing access to the best-run schools), considerably reduces – by almost 50% – themagnitude of financial redistribution needed. Implementing an EOp policy would not come at any particular cost (or benefit) in terms of efficiency.

This research focuses on the evolution of corporate political activities in a context of change. This thesis is particularly focused on the central role played by meta-organizations in the conduct of collective action, the political role of socio-digital networks and the influence of the new legal framework for lobbying in France. Political activities correspond to the protean actions deployed by organizations to influence public decision. The thesis focuses on a regulated sector, French private higher education. The empirical study is designed in two stages: a series of 18 semi-structured interviews with managers of establishments, meta-organizations and experts in political strategies, then a digital ethnography of the communication of actors in French higher education on Twitter in 2018.The thesis highlights the pre-eminence of meta-organizations in the political actions of the French private higher education sector, and the modalities of the articulation of political actions between meta-organizations and their members. The thesis highlights the limited use of digital social-networks in the political strategies of the organizations studied. This thesis completes the decision tree of political strategies, notably through the use of socio-digital networks and the use of collective advocacy organizations. ; Cette recherche s'intéresse aux évolutions des stratégies politiques des organisations dans un contexte de changements. Cette thèse s'intéresse particulièrement au rôle central joué par les méta-organisations dans la conduite de l'action collective, au rôle politique des réseaux socio-numériques ainsi qu'au nouveau cadre juridique du lobbying en France avec la loi dite Sapin II. Les stratégies politiques correspondent aux actions protéiformes déployées par les organisations pour influencer la décision publique. La thèse se concentre sur un secteur régulé par l'Etat, l'enseignement supérieur privé français. L'étude empirique est conçue en deux temps : une série de 18 entretiens semi-directifs avec des ...

This research focuses on the evolution of corporate political activities in a context of change. This thesis is particularly focused on the central role played by meta-organizations in the conduct of collective action, the political role of socio-digital networks and the influence of the new legal framework for lobbying in France. Political activities correspond to the protean actions deployed by organizations to influence public decision. The thesis focuses on a regulated sector, French private higher education. The empirical study is designed in two stages: a series of 18 semi-structured interviews with managers of establishments, meta-organizations and experts in political strategies, then a digital ethnography of the communication of actors in French higher education on Twitter in 2018.The thesis highlights the pre-eminence of meta-organizations in the political actions of the French private higher education sector, and the modalities of the articulation of political actions between meta-organizations and their members. The thesis highlights the limited use of digital social-networks in the political strategies of the organizations studied. This thesis completes the decision tree of political strategies, notably through the use of socio-digital networks and the use of collective advocacy organizations. ; Cette recherche s'intéresse aux évolutions des stratégies politiques des organisations dans un contexte de changements. Cette thèse s'intéresse particulièrement au rôle central joué par les méta-organisations dans la conduite de l'action collective, au rôle politique des réseaux socio-numériques ainsi qu'au nouveau cadre juridique du lobbying en France avec la loi dite Sapin II. Les stratégies politiques correspondent aux actions protéiformes déployées par les organisations pour influencer la décision publique. La thèse se concentre sur un secteur régulé par l'Etat, l'enseignement supérieur privé français. L'étude empirique est conçue en deux temps : une série de 18 entretiens semi-directifs avec des ...

Toponyms, along with other urban symbols, were used as a tool of control over space in many African countries during the colonial period. This strategy was epitomized by the British, who applied it in Nairobi and other parts of Kenya from the late 1800s. This paper shows that toponymy in colonial Nairobi was an imposition of British political references, urban nomenclature, as well as the replication of a British spatial idyll on the urban landscape of Nairobi. In early colonial Nairobi, the population was mainly composed of three main groups: British, Asians, and Africans. Although the Africans formed the bulk of the population, they were the least represented, socially, economically and politically. Ironically, he British, who were the least in population held the political and economic power, and they applied it vigorously in shaping the identity of the city. The Asians were neither as powerful as the British, nor were they considered to be at the low level of the native Africans. This was the deliberate hierarchical structure that was instituted by the colonial government, where the level of urban citizenship depended on ethnic affiliation. Consequently, this structure was reflected in the toponymy and spatial organization of the newly founded city with little consideration to its pre-colonial status. Streets, buildings and other spaces such as parks were predominantly named after the British monarchy, colonial administrators, settler farmers, and businessmen, as well as prominent Asian personalities. In this paper, historical references such as maps, letter correspondences, monographs, and newspaper archives have been used as evidence to prove that toponyms in colonial Nairobi were the spatial signifiers that reflected the political, ideological and ethnic hierarchies and inequalities of the time.