Suchergebnisse

In the last fifteen years the Nordeste has become central to Brazilian politics, today characterized by a polarization on a regional basis. The author identifies the origins of this process, showing how is linked to inequality and how Pt's era represented a turning point for the development of the macro-region and the politicization of the northeast question. ; En los últimos quince años, el Nordeste se ha convertido en el centro de la política brasileña, hoy caracterizada por una polarización a nivel regional. El autor identifica los orígenes de este proceso, mostrando que está conectado a la desigualdad, y trata de mostrar cómo la era petista representó un punto de inflexión para el desarrollo de la región y la politización de la cuestión Noreste. ; Negli ultimi quindici anni il Nordeste è diventato centrale per la politica brasiliana, oggi caratterizzata da una polarizzazione su base regionale. L'autore identifica le origini di questo processo, mostrando un suo legame con le disuguaglian e, e come l'era petista abbia rappresentato una svolta per lo sviluppo della macroregione e la politicizzazione della questione Nordeste.

Six chapters, divided into four paths, over a time span that from the 19th Century reaches the year 2000, have made it possible to give voice to canonical authors and outsiders, to prose writers and poets who investigate and confront on one of the most dramatical themes of the contemporary consciousness, that of oncological disease. A sort of oncography syllabary characterized by an extraordinary mixture of medical terminology and commonplaces, colloquial expressions and courtly loans from classical languages, foreign idioms, dialects and periphrastic language originated from 'oncologhems' used instead of the word 'cancer', as well as from synaesthesias, tropes, processes, remembrances, olfactory and visual perceptions and the inflation of interrupted works.

The permanent settlement of immigrants of foreign origin, and then the formation of the second and third generations, has long contributed to re-launching the debate on the content and limits of the institution of citizenship, bringing into question the close connection with the national states. The increasing number and the growing diversity of the legal status of foreigners residing in the territory of sovereign states blurs the dividing lines between insiders and outsiders. Therefore this raises questions about the criteria and ways of participation of residents in the community of citizens, with all the obligations and benefits that derive from it. After having considered the citizenship 'from above', that is in terms of the type of rights granted to foreign residents, their extent, timing and modes of access, the article presents a more recent branch of studies that starts 'from below', i.e. from the point of view of actual practices to access and use, re-interpretations and negotiations of the contents of citizenship: processes in which migrants and refugees take active roles at various levels and in different ways, both individual and collective.

Questa tesi ha l'obbiettivo di indagare la rappresentazione del fenomeno immigratorio in Italia. Non essendo possibile cogliere l'immagine completa del pensiero dell'intera popolazione, ho deciso di condurre un indagine su un campione appartenente alla nuova generazione di italiani. Il lavoro si suddivide in due parti: la prima teorica e la seconda pratica e di ricerca. Il primo capitolo illustra, in maniera specifica, la teoria delle Rappresentazioni Sociali di Serge Moscovici inerente agli stereotipi e i pregiudizi. In questa stesura, gli stereotipi, radici dei pregiudizi, generano l'ostilità nei confronti degli immigrati, soggetti considerati "devianti" dai cittadini autoctoni, i "normali". I primi sono individui non conformi alle norme sociali di un determinato gruppo, quindi meritevoli di sanzioni sociali applicate mediante stigmatizzazioni. Il capitolo include un paragrafo centrale in cui si fa riferimento alle dinamiche del conflitto tra "insiders" e "outsiders". Nell'ultimo paragrafo, mi sono soffermata a riflettere sulle "comunità gruccia", trattate da Bauman (2014), composte da persone identiche che condividono le medesime ansie e paure, che escludono in maniera diretta ed automatica il diverso. Il secondo capitolo si riferisce interamente al fenomeno migratorio. La parte inziale sottolinea le differenze tra emigrazione e immigrazione. Nella parte centrale si descrivono i modelli di integrazione e il percorso accademico degli studi relativi al fenomeno migratorio nella cornice europea. In seguito si poserà lo sguardo sui quadri normativi dell'Italia e sui problemi nonché sulla capacità di adattamento delle prime e seconde generazioni di stranieri presenti nel Belpaese. Il capitolo si concluderà trattando in maniera specifica il fenomeno immigratorio nel contesto italiano, tenendo presente i diversi dati statistici tratti dal Ministero dell'Interno. Il terzo capitolo spiega il metodo qualitativo d'indagine Grounded Theory (GTM), una tecnica generale di analisi comparativa e un insieme di procedure, capace di generare una teoria fondata sui dati. Nello specifico ho utilizzato la GTM Costruttivista di Kathy Charmaz per la sua natura flessibile e resistente all'uso meccanico di metodologie preesistenti. Infine, il quarto capitolo delinea l'indagine svolta, partendo da un campione rappresentativo composto da quattordici studenti della classe L-39, di Scienze del Servizio Sociale, dell'Università di Pisa, per comprendere il fenomeno dell'immigrazione e i pregiudizi da essi derivanti agli occhi della nuova generazione. I ragazzi sono sembrati i protagonisti più adeguati in quanto la loro generazione ha avuto la possibilità di entrare in contatto con i "figli dell'immigrazione"; inoltre, in quanto futuri assistenti sociali si troveranno a confrontarsi con i migranti. Dall'indagine è emerso che le cause dell'immigrazioni sono riconducibili alle condizioni di povertà e di conflitto dei paesi di partenza create per lo più dalle nazioni del Primo Mondo nel passato e anche nel presente. Giunti nelle terre d'approdo, gli stranieri vengono marchiati con etichette negative che sembrano non mutare nemmeno nei confronti dei loro figli, cittadini occidentali, in particolar modo dagli anziani condizionati dalle istituzioni e i mass media. Ciò crea, secondo gli studenti, un desiderio di rivendicazione generale da parte degli stranieri soprattutto mediante le seconde generazioni. Fermare il fenomeno dei flussi non è possibile, gli studenti coscienti di ciò hanno proposto soluzioni varie tra cui spiccano quelle di tipo pratico e ideali-culturali.

The main aim of this thesis is to investigate the experiences that can be traced to the notion of "withholding" (or trattenimento according to the Italian more precise way to literally describe this phenomenon). By this term I refer to those physical spaces of social inclusion and exclusion within which existences are held without an apparent (at least at the beginning) normative justification. I consider these situations inherently anomic but surprisingly recurring in our century and the latter part of the previous one. The coercive restraintment in well-defined spaces, brought by the breach of a rule of criminal law, defines a new status of existence, that of "withheld" (or trattenuti). The reality of this (relatively) new form of life has been the main subject of my research as direct product of the obsession for securitization. Withholding is presented to the researcher as a sort of permanent state of exception.The heterogeneity of the places of withholding of existences has been studied from the point of view of the geographical location. From this analysis I have been able to underline the global nature of the phenomenon and, thanks to the concrete forms of execution, to legitimize the image of continuity with the experience of the internment camps, mentioned above. For the withholding process, in some cases, a whole geographical space is directly used: islands, archipelagos and enclaves. Other times it uses urban structures: I am referring to ghettos (from the Parisian suburbs, or banlieux, to the ghetto of Shanghai) and even to boundary walls. Walls and borders carry an inherent exclusion, but sometimes their meaning is much more profound. The story of the Berliner Mauer is, from this point of view, absolutely paradigmatic. Behind the justification of action and preventive safety, the lives and rights are deleted. Even the name periodically returns with the strength of the model and example, although negative. It is the "wall of shame", the wall of Tijuana that separates Mexico from the United States, the wall that separates the Western Sahara territories Moroccan domination from those of Arab domination, the separation wall between Israel and the West Bank. In other cases withholding takes place in constructed and ad hoc delimited situations: like centers of temporary stay and assistance (CPTA), today CIE following the intervention of the EU law; the safety devices terrorism in national and international transport (waiting rooms in airports and train stations); the "red zones" at the summits of heads of state and government of the world (not least the Genoese one in 2001). We can observe, together with Foucault, the mutation of the police apparatus in a system of "governmentality". But places of withholding are not just a European experience. I'm thinking about the internment camps in Libya or Palestinian occupied territories. They have now really assumed the form of an anonymous "archipelago – gulag" of segregation and detention. Especially after the second Intifada, the territories seem to have taken almost spontaneously the structure of the internment camp, while the freedom of movement of Palestinians fades, the principle of detention seems to appear with ever greater clarity. We are really confronted with the genesis of a biopolitics of progressive isolation of the Palestinian territories; the confinement of a people in a dimension of functional enclave of control. A state of emergency becomes a form of government. Looking to withheld existences, the common feature seems to be the rejection of normalization of difference. We are dealing with lives or threatening, social pathologies that power must identify and separate. The referent is mainly represented by minorities (ethnic-racial, linguistic, religious, political) deserving, if not elimination, of some concealment. Screw deviant, but also, and especially meaningful in the sense that has been indicated above, anomic as stolen from the ordinary processes of criminalization with the intervention of the criminal law. It is a "sacred" existence in a process of reflection that starts with Jean Marie Guyau, passes through Emile Durkheim, and finally comes to Giorgio Agamben. Withheld's lives are worthless, according to Hannah Arendt' "exemplary human being reduced to the most elementary reactions, the model citizen of a totalitarian state, a city that can be produced only imperfectly outside the camp." A distinction, however, seems possible and reasonable, in light of the observations made so far. According to Bauman withheld can be divided in outsiders and insiders. The first earn their subjection to detention just because they come from another jurisdiction which makes them extra-national (stateless) or, more generally, foreigners; while on the other side we look at that surplus of native humanity who, unable to be violently amputee, should be at least hidden or fenced, building spaces of anti-city in cities. The last part of my research is dedicated to an ethnographic study of these dimensions, a qualitative research carried out in many centers of detention and "reception". Empathy has been one of the most important instruments in the interviews in order to understand. to verstehen, in a weberian way and approach, the existences and spaces between criminal and non criminal Law. Ethnography is always the writing of difference, but with the aim to make closer words that seem to be only apparently far from each other (especially in terms of understanding).