Suchergebnisse

The article analyses the EU approach towards pan-European security, the substance that was eroded by the Brussels' activities. The EU policy resulted into degradation the pan-European security architecture. It became a hostage of the trans-Atlantic solidarity. One of the main aims of transforming European economic communities into the EU was to establish itself as a hegemon in Europe and to reorganize the European sphere on its own rules and principles. Political expedience became superior over economic performance in the EU policies. The EU claimed to represent the whole Europe though not all the European states were its members. Due to the EU and NATO activities the OSCE turned into a minor organization unable to address the challenges of pan-European security. The EU policy has led to creation of new conflicts and division lines in Europe. The EU-Russian relations are considered in the context of pan-European security. The mechanisms for dialogue and cooperation in various fields, including security, are broken. The EU is pursuing the policy of pushing Russia out of Europe. The Ukrainian crisis is an artificial product of the EU. The concept of pan-European security needs critical review and rethinking the role of Russia.

The article analyzes the changes in the economies of the Visegrad group over the past decade. The dynamics of the main indicators, including indicators of the industry structure and employment structure, as well as the world economic (global) competitiveness of the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland, are considered. The issue of the innovation sphere of the «four», its features against the background of pan-European trends, is touched upon. The main factors and limitations of development of these countries are highlighted. The main characteristics of the Visegrad model and its impact on the participating countries are identified.

The article examines an aspect of the meta-theoretical context of the renewed confrontation between the political West and Russia. A distinction is drawn between democratism, the purposive instrumentalization of democracy agendas in great power conflict, and democracy as a responsive, reflexive and participatory mechanism of popular control over government. In the post-Cold War era this gave rise to inter-democracy, the combination of NATO and the European Union as the basis for the continued predominance of Atlanticism in the political West. This served to exclude alternative security arrangements in post-Cold War Europe, notably pan-continental variants. At the same time, the political West, a constellation of power that was created during and shaped by the Cold War, advanced transdemocracy, the view that democracy was the foundation for the creation of a genuine security community. Drawing on democratic peace theory, this approach substituted democratic internationalism for the sovereign internationalism at the heart of the UN-based Charter international system established in 1945. This gave rise to a distinctive style of international politics, described as democratism in this paper. Rather than overcoming conflict, democratism serves to sharpen antagonisms and thus helped to regenerate Cold War practices and undermined the credibility of liberal internationalism itself. The blowback effects, however, should be distinguished from the continuing struggle for democracy and a style of international politics that remains true to Charter principles.