Suchergebnisse

This final project explained relevant theories of Economic Security in order to construct a definition State Economic Security consistent with modern academic literature and understandings. For this project State Economic Security is defined the protection of a given national economy from sudden intentional non-military disruptions to its economy caused by a foreign state or nonstate actor for the purposes of influencing the target state's policy'. Lithuania's State Economic Security is primarily shaped by state-to-state tensions between the Lithuanian government and the Russian Federation, and to a lesser extent Belarus and China. Threats to Lithuanian State Economic Security include proportional and scare resource and proportionally asymmetrical trading relationships, foreign ownership of key infrastructure and financial sectors. The article then compared Lithuanian State Economic Security with 23 other Similarly Situated States. Similarly Situated States are democratic states with a population greater than one million which have a tense political relationship with at least one close treading partner. The comparison found that three distinct groups of Similarly Situated States exist, the first group is most similar to Lithuania and consists of post-Soviet democracies which have political tensions with Russia. The second group is comprised of states which have tensions with China due to sovereignty or human rights issues. States in this group are found exclusively in Asia and Oceania. A third final group consists of States which have proprietary political tensions with various states and Latin American stats which Tense Trading relationships stemming from Pan-American regional political disputes. Lithuania has the highest per capita GDP in the Post-Soviet Democracies group and is near the ranks near the median of all tree groups on most other socio-economic indicators. The paper finally compared Lithuania with the other countries using quantitative composite State Economic Security resilience indicators in addition to the country specific State Economic Security situation in three of the states. The quantitative review found that Lithuania scores near the median of State Economic Security resilience indicators and is has the second highest level of latent state economic resilience in the first group, scoring slightly behind Estonia. The country specific review compared the circumstances in Lithuania to those in South Korea, Taiwan and Georgia. Section revealed that individual and regional circumstances enhance Lithuanian State Economic Security in comparison to the other 22 countries. The review also showed that Lithuanian State has economic conflicts more significant trading partners than any of the other countries reviewed.

This final project explained relevant theories of Economic Security in order to construct a definition State Economic Security consistent with modern academic literature and understandings. For this project State Economic Security is defined the protection of a given national economy from sudden intentional non-military disruptions to its economy caused by a foreign state or nonstate actor for the purposes of influencing the target state's policy'. Lithuania's State Economic Security is primarily shaped by state-to-state tensions between the Lithuanian government and the Russian Federation, and to a lesser extent Belarus and China. Threats to Lithuanian State Economic Security include proportional and scare resource and proportionally asymmetrical trading relationships, foreign ownership of key infrastructure and financial sectors. The article then compared Lithuanian State Economic Security with 23 other Similarly Situated States. Similarly Situated States are democratic states with a population greater than one million which have a tense political relationship with at least one close treading partner. The comparison found that three distinct groups of Similarly Situated States exist, the first group is most similar to Lithuania and consists of post-Soviet democracies which have political tensions with Russia. The second group is comprised of states which have tensions with China due to sovereignty or human rights issues. States in this group are found exclusively in Asia and Oceania. A third final group consists of States which have proprietary political tensions with various states and Latin American stats which Tense Trading relationships stemming from Pan-American regional political disputes. Lithuania has the highest per capita GDP in the Post-Soviet Democracies group and is near the ranks near the median of all tree groups on most other socio-economic indicators. The paper finally compared Lithuania with the other countries using quantitative composite State Economic Security resilience indicators in addition to the country specific State Economic Security situation in three of the states. The quantitative review found that Lithuania scores near the median of State Economic Security resilience indicators and is has the second highest level of latent state economic resilience in the first group, scoring slightly behind Estonia. The country specific review compared the circumstances in Lithuania to those in South Korea, Taiwan and Georgia. Section revealed that individual and regional circumstances enhance Lithuanian State Economic Security in comparison to the other 22 countries. The review also showed that Lithuanian State has economic conflicts more significant trading partners than any of the other countries reviewed.

This final project explained relevant theories of Economic Security in order to construct a definition State Economic Security consistent with modern academic literature and understandings. For this project State Economic Security is defined the protection of a given national economy from sudden intentional non-military disruptions to its economy caused by a foreign state or nonstate actor for the purposes of influencing the target state's policy'. Lithuania's State Economic Security is primarily shaped by state-to-state tensions between the Lithuanian government and the Russian Federation, and to a lesser extent Belarus and China. Threats to Lithuanian State Economic Security include proportional and scare resource and proportionally asymmetrical trading relationships, foreign ownership of key infrastructure and financial sectors. The article then compared Lithuanian State Economic Security with 23 other Similarly Situated States. Similarly Situated States are democratic states with a population greater than one million which have a tense political relationship with at least one close treading partner. The comparison found that three distinct groups of Similarly Situated States exist, the first group is most similar to Lithuania and consists of post-Soviet democracies which have political tensions with Russia. The second group is comprised of states which have tensions with China due to sovereignty or human rights issues. States in this group are found exclusively in Asia and Oceania. A third final group consists of States which have proprietary political tensions with various states and Latin American stats which Tense Trading relationships stemming from Pan-American regional political disputes. Lithuania has the highest per capita GDP in the Post-Soviet Democracies group and is near the ranks near the median of all tree groups on most other socio-economic indicators. The paper finally compared Lithuania with the other countries using quantitative composite State Economic Security resilience indicators in addition to the country specific State Economic Security situation in three of the states. The quantitative review found that Lithuania scores near the median of State Economic Security resilience indicators and is has the second highest level of latent state economic resilience in the first group, scoring slightly behind Estonia. The country specific review compared the circumstances in Lithuania to those in South Korea, Taiwan and Georgia. Section revealed that individual and regional circumstances enhance Lithuanian State Economic Security in comparison to the other 22 countries. The review also showed that Lithuanian State has economic conflicts more significant trading partners than any of the other countries reviewed.

This final project explained relevant theories of Economic Security in order to construct a definition State Economic Security consistent with modern academic literature and understandings. For this project State Economic Security is defined the protection of a given national economy from sudden intentional non-military disruptions to its economy caused by a foreign state or nonstate actor for the purposes of influencing the target state's policy'. Lithuania's State Economic Security is primarily shaped by state-to-state tensions between the Lithuanian government and the Russian Federation, and to a lesser extent Belarus and China. Threats to Lithuanian State Economic Security include proportional and scare resource and proportionally asymmetrical trading relationships, foreign ownership of key infrastructure and financial sectors. The article then compared Lithuanian State Economic Security with 23 other Similarly Situated States. Similarly Situated States are democratic states with a population greater than one million which have a tense political relationship with at least one close treading partner. The comparison found that three distinct groups of Similarly Situated States exist, the first group is most similar to Lithuania and consists of post-Soviet democracies which have political tensions with Russia. The second group is comprised of states which have tensions with China due to sovereignty or human rights issues. States in this group are found exclusively in Asia and Oceania. A third final group consists of States which have proprietary political tensions with various states and Latin American stats which Tense Trading relationships stemming from Pan-American regional political disputes. Lithuania has the highest per capita GDP in the Post-Soviet Democracies group and is near the ranks near the median of all tree groups on most other socio-economic indicators. The paper finally compared Lithuania with the other countries using quantitative composite State Economic Security resilience indicators in addition to the country specific State Economic Security situation in three of the states. The quantitative review found that Lithuania scores near the median of State Economic Security resilience indicators and is has the second highest level of latent state economic resilience in the first group, scoring slightly behind Estonia. The country specific review compared the circumstances in Lithuania to those in South Korea, Taiwan and Georgia. Section revealed that individual and regional circumstances enhance Lithuanian State Economic Security in comparison to the other 22 countries. The review also showed that Lithuanian State has economic conflicts more significant trading partners than any of the other countries reviewed.

The discussion of the communicational aspects of the freedom of information may be related to the most important traditions of communication research, that is, semiotics and the so-called "process" school. This would enable distinguishing quantitative and qualitative aspects of the freedom of information, and creating a coordinate system for the analysis and evaluation of the attempts to limit the freedom of media. It seems that the dependence on quantitative principles of the freedom of information in a so-called marketplace of ideas undermines the importance of society's qualitative principles of information spread and disturbs the fragile balance between the right to know and the freedom of information. Inevitably, the following question arises: who, in the marketplace of ideas, will guarantee the right of a consumer to receive quality news? Democratic traditions condemn any censorship attempts. Do the changing role of the media and its place in the modern society require the expansion of the concept of the freedom of media? Perhaps, along with concepts such as the freedom of speech and the freedom of information, the discussion should also include considerations about the preservation of the right to know. Since in practice the right to know is usually passive, but the freedom of information is active, the society's right to know is often individualized down to the level of a single person's rights, whereas the freedom of information follows the reverse trend and is most commonly rolled up to a group, party, or corporate level. In this context, the proposed concept of "the freedom of media as an institution" relies on the assumption that the weaker side should be defended. By associating public interest and the quality of media with the right to know, this article aims to show that these two factors are no less important to the functioning of a democratic society than pluralism and diversity, which are directly linked to the freedom of information. The search for the balance between the right to know and the freedom of information is one of the most important issues concerning the functionality of the media, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. ; Aptariant komunikacinius informavimo teisės aspektus, juos galima sieti su svarbiausiomis komunikacijos tyrimo tradicijomis – semiotika ir vadinamąja "proceso" mokykla. Tai leistų skirti kiekybinius ir kokybinius informavimo laisvės principus bei kurti savotišką koordinačių sistemą, kurioje ir analizuojami bei vertinami bandymai riboti žiniasklaidos laisvę. Atrodo, kad, vadinamojoje idėjų rinkoje pasikliaujant kiekybiniais informacijos laisvės principais, sunyksta kokybinių visuomenės informavimo principų svarba, pažeidžiama trapi pusiausvyra tarp teisės žinoti bei laisvės informuoti. Todėl neišvengiamai kyla klausimas, kas idėjų rinkoje laiduos vartotojo teisę gauti kokybiškas žinias. Demokratinė tradicija smerkia bet kokius cenzūros bandymus. Ar kintantis žiniasklaidos vaidmuo ir vieta šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje nereikalauja plėsti žiniasklaidos laisvės sampratos, kalbėti ne tik apie žodžio, informavimo laisvę, bet ir apie teisės žinoti išsaugojimą? Kadangi praktikoje teisė žinoti dažniausiai yra pasyvi, o laisvė informuoti – aktyvi, visuomenės teisė žinoti dažnai individualizuojama iki atskiro asmens teisės, o laisvė informuoti, atvirkščiai, – dažniausiai institucionalizuojama iki grupinės, partinės, korporacinės ir pan. laisvės. Tokiame kontekste siūloma institucinės žiniasklaidos laisvės koncepcija remiasi silpnesniojo gynimo nuo stipresniojo prielaida. Straipsnyje žiniasklaidos kokybę ir viešąjį interesą siejant su teise žinoti siekiama parodyti, kad žiniasklaidos kokybė ir viešasis interesas demokratiniam visuomenėsfunkcionavimui yra ne mažiau svarbūs nei su laisve informuoti tiesiogiai siejamas pliuralizmas ir įvairovė. Pusiausvyros tarp teisės žinoti ir laisvės informuoti paieškos šiandien būtų viena opiausių visų pirma Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje kylančių visaverčio žiniasklaidos gyvavimo problemų.

The main purpose of the master thesis is to analyze the legal background, the recent developments and the current challenges of social entrepreneurship legal regulation, with particular focus on the governmental supportive measures to the actors of social economy. There is growing recognition across the EU of the importance of social enterprise as an important business model that can support economic growth and social progress. Since 2012, the European Commission has been promoting a series of policies on social enterprise under the Social Business Initiative, focused on creating the right legal eco-systems of support to drive the growth of social entrepreneurship. Sixteen European countries have some form of legislation that recognises and regulates social enterprise activity. In some jurisdictions, such as the UK, France and Italy, there are 'Social Enterprise Forms', which are exclusively designed for social enterprises through the tailoring or adaptation of existing legal forms. In some others – such as Lithuania and Belgium – there are 'Social Enterprise Statuses', which can be obtained by a number of different legal forms, which comply with a number of prescribed criteria designed to identify and define social enterprise. Despite such a diversity in approaches some commonalities in state support measures can be found. Public procurement, tax and fiscal policies are used in innovative ways in different Member States with the aim of growing and developing social enterprises. Some of these initiatives have found the EU recognition as well. In particular, the new Public Procurement Directive (2014/24/EU) introduced the necessity of reserved contracts for economic operators that promote the social and professional integration of persons with disabilities and disadvantaged persons as well as social considerations as the silver thread through the procurement process. Moreover, in July 2018, the European Parliament passed a resolution recommending to the Commission the creation of an optional EU-wide legal status for social enterprises. The "European Social Enterprise" (ESE) legal status would be valid and recognised in all Member States, also extending to a certification label for social enterprises' products. A strength of the recommendation is that it only contemplates mandatory rules that correspond with widely accepted social enterprise criteria that can be found across most Member States. Despite the fact that there is no legal recognition of social enterprises in the Republic of Belarus, first steps are taken to introduce this institute to the national legislation. In particular, special working group in the Ministry of labour and social protection is set to develop the law concept on social entrepreneurship. However, the results of the conducted analysis show that the adoption of separate legal act will be ineffective, while several barriers for social entrepreneurs and investors still exist. For example, 1) the restrictive norms of the President Decree n. 300 on sponsorship, 2) the total prohibition for NGOs to directly conduct the economic activity, 3) weak tax reliefs for social actors. Taking everything in consideration it can be concluded that social entrepreneurship is a young legal institution, but it is becoming more and more common in the EU member states and post-soviet countries. Although the approaches to regulate this sphere are distinguished by a wide variety, the possibility of appearance pan-European social enterprise status that will be recognised in all Member States and will guarantee the same benefits and tax reliefs to its holders as for resident social enterprise, points that soon the national differences will vanish. However, before the formation of a single European approach, the adoption of a separate law on social enterprises in the Republic of Belarus, offering its own criteria, is concluded premature. Master thesis can be used not only for scientific purposes, but can also be taken into account by social entrepreneurs and social investors while conducting their commercial activity in the Republic of Belarus.

The main purpose of the master thesis is to analyze the legal background, the recent developments and the current challenges of social entrepreneurship legal regulation, with particular focus on the governmental supportive measures to the actors of social economy. There is growing recognition across the EU of the importance of social enterprise as an important business model that can support economic growth and social progress. Since 2012, the European Commission has been promoting a series of policies on social enterprise under the Social Business Initiative, focused on creating the right legal eco-systems of support to drive the growth of social entrepreneurship. Sixteen European countries have some form of legislation that recognises and regulates social enterprise activity. In some jurisdictions, such as the UK, France and Italy, there are 'Social Enterprise Forms', which are exclusively designed for social enterprises through the tailoring or adaptation of existing legal forms. In some others – such as Lithuania and Belgium – there are 'Social Enterprise Statuses', which can be obtained by a number of different legal forms, which comply with a number of prescribed criteria designed to identify and define social enterprise. Despite such a diversity in approaches some commonalities in state support measures can be found. Public procurement, tax and fiscal policies are used in innovative ways in different Member States with the aim of growing and developing social enterprises. Some of these initiatives have found the EU recognition as well. In particular, the new Public Procurement Directive (2014/24/EU) introduced the necessity of reserved contracts for economic operators that promote the social and professional integration of persons with disabilities and disadvantaged persons as well as social considerations as the silver thread through the procurement process. Moreover, in July 2018, the European Parliament passed a resolution recommending to the Commission the creation of an optional EU-wide legal status for social enterprises. The "European Social Enterprise" (ESE) legal status would be valid and recognised in all Member States, also extending to a certification label for social enterprises' products. A strength of the recommendation is that it only contemplates mandatory rules that correspond with widely accepted social enterprise criteria that can be found across most Member States. Despite the fact that there is no legal recognition of social enterprises in the Republic of Belarus, first steps are taken to introduce this institute to the national legislation. In particular, special working group in the Ministry of labour and social protection is set to develop the law concept on social entrepreneurship. However, the results of the conducted analysis show that the adoption of separate legal act will be ineffective, while several barriers for social entrepreneurs and investors still exist. For example, 1) the restrictive norms of the President Decree n. 300 on sponsorship, 2) the total prohibition for NGOs to directly conduct the economic activity, 3) weak tax reliefs for social actors. Taking everything in consideration it can be concluded that social entrepreneurship is a young legal institution, but it is becoming more and more common in the EU member states and post-soviet countries. Although the approaches to regulate this sphere are distinguished by a wide variety, the possibility of appearance pan-European social enterprise status that will be recognised in all Member States and will guarantee the same benefits and tax reliefs to its holders as for resident social enterprise, points that soon the national differences will vanish. However, before the formation of a single European approach, the adoption of a separate law on social enterprises in the Republic of Belarus, offering its own criteria, is concluded premature. Master thesis can be used not only for scientific purposes, but can also be taken into account by social entrepreneurs and social investors while conducting their commercial activity in the Republic of Belarus.

The paper deals with democratization of Iraq which was started to implement by the United States and its allies in March, 2003. The military operation was designed to find and destroy Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, overthrow the authoritarian regime of S. Hussein and install democratic institutions. Neoconservatives who were the authors and advocates of the idea of democratic Iraq believed that with the start in Iraq democracy gradually will spill over to the whole Middle East. And this process would guarantee the security of the United States and the whole world what is its' national interest. Although Iraq has conducted free and fair elections and has established the main democratic institutions, today five years since the outset of the operation it is still not considered a stable democratic country. So the discrepancy between the factual and institutional democracy in Iraq is the main problem of this paper. This problem raises the principal research question: what causes the failure of democratization in Iraq? So according to the theoretical-methodological research concept the main question sounds as such: where the advocates of the intervention in Iraq have made the crucial mistake: whether the democratization of Iraq is theoretically impossible (ideological analysis level), maybe the failure of the project was determined by unsuitable democratization methods (especially the quick democratization) or maybe the misfortune lies in the domestic features of Iraq (practical analysis level). So the research method is the case study and the object – democracy in Iraq in institutional and social level. The analysis is divided into two levels: ideological and practical. The ideological level involves the analysis of neoconservatism (to reveal the genesis of the democratization idea) and the overview of the Muslim societies' political experience and their attitude to the principles of democracy (to answer the question, whether Iraq democratization is theoretically possible). Practical level involves the investigation of the process of political system transformation, the evaluation of the current situation and the analysis whether and why Iraq matches the consolidated democracy criteria indicated by J. Linz and A. Stepan and suits the democratization conditions indicated by S. M. Lipset. This will help to find out what determines the failure of democracy in Iraq. The analysis of intervention in Iraq and its' democratization process is quite a popular field of academic research and publications nowadays. Despite this, it should be noticed that the majority of investigations concentrates on the practical analysis of coalition forces actions and concrete problems of Iraq usually in order to give recommendations to G. W. Bush administration. This paper looks at the issue differently – from the perspective of democratization theories. Thus, the investigation results revealed that the failure to install a stable democratic political system in Iraq lies in practical level. The process is blocked by the domestic features of the country (it is fractured, antagonistic, based on "primordial allegiances", has no national leaders, no future visions and overall is not prepared to govern itself independently) and unsuitable democratization methods (the process was initiated and conducted by foreign powers, without an adequate plan and preparation of the society). So the simple installation of democratic institutions does not guarantee a stable democracy. Whereas the ideological level (the influence of Islam) was not the main force which complicated the democratization, because Muslim societies in principle could live in states which are ruled by democratically. Moreover, according to the research results, the democratization of Iraq as the main reason for military intervention is also questionable. So other reasons for intervention which were not officially declared by US could be the topic of further studies.

The paper deals with democratization of Iraq which was started to implement by the United States and its allies in March, 2003. The military operation was designed to find and destroy Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, overthrow the authoritarian regime of S. Hussein and install democratic institutions. Neoconservatives who were the authors and advocates of the idea of democratic Iraq believed that with the start in Iraq democracy gradually will spill over to the whole Middle East. And this process would guarantee the security of the United States and the whole world what is its' national interest. Although Iraq has conducted free and fair elections and has established the main democratic institutions, today five years since the outset of the operation it is still not considered a stable democratic country. So the discrepancy between the factual and institutional democracy in Iraq is the main problem of this paper. This problem raises the principal research question: what causes the failure of democratization in Iraq? So according to the theoretical-methodological research concept the main question sounds as such: where the advocates of the intervention in Iraq have made the crucial mistake: whether the democratization of Iraq is theoretically impossible (ideological analysis level), maybe the failure of the project was determined by unsuitable democratization methods (especially the quick democratization) or maybe the misfortune lies in the domestic features of Iraq (practical analysis level). So the research method is the case study and the object – democracy in Iraq in institutional and social level. The analysis is divided into two levels: ideological and practical. The ideological level involves the analysis of neoconservatism (to reveal the genesis of the democratization idea) and the overview of the Muslim societies' political experience and their attitude to the principles of democracy (to answer the question, whether Iraq democratization is theoretically possible). Practical level involves the investigation of the process of political system transformation, the evaluation of the current situation and the analysis whether and why Iraq matches the consolidated democracy criteria indicated by J. Linz and A. Stepan and suits the democratization conditions indicated by S. M. Lipset. This will help to find out what determines the failure of democracy in Iraq. The analysis of intervention in Iraq and its' democratization process is quite a popular field of academic research and publications nowadays. Despite this, it should be noticed that the majority of investigations concentrates on the practical analysis of coalition forces actions and concrete problems of Iraq usually in order to give recommendations to G. W. Bush administration. This paper looks at the issue differently – from the perspective of democratization theories. Thus, the investigation results revealed that the failure to install a stable democratic political system in Iraq lies in practical level. The process is blocked by the domestic features of the country (it is fractured, antagonistic, based on "primordial allegiances", has no national leaders, no future visions and overall is not prepared to govern itself independently) and unsuitable democratization methods (the process was initiated and conducted by foreign powers, without an adequate plan and preparation of the society). So the simple installation of democratic institutions does not guarantee a stable democracy. Whereas the ideological level (the influence of Islam) was not the main force which complicated the democratization, because Muslim societies in principle could live in states which are ruled by democratically. Moreover, according to the research results, the democratization of Iraq as the main reason for military intervention is also questionable. So other reasons for intervention which were not officially declared by US could be the topic of further studies.

The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.

The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.

The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.

The Alt-Right had appeared out of nowhere in modern political discourse. The Alt-Right had managed to be called out as a threat by politicians and media outlets, despite the fact that the term is obscure and could mean different both political and nonpolitical ideas and movements. Existing somewhere between real life and The Internet, both as a neo-nazi threat and harmless youths on The Internet platforms posting black humor memes, this political unit manages to be recognized as a threat without being united, having no central political program and, according to some authors, purely based on The Internet. Issue is being complicated that the term "Alt-Right" has several different meanings and those meanings have changed over time as a reaction to political events. This creates an interesting problem, that a both existing and not existing political unit is powerful enough able to be recognized as a threat. This paper delves into the content created by publicly announced content creators of the less radical side of Alt-Right, the Alt-Light. By choosing the ones with the highest reach and quality content, Paul Joseph Watson, Lauren Southern and Milo Yiannopoulos and applying Network Society and Subculture theories, this paper works as a qualitative research to find central conflict tenets and opponents of The International Alternative Right, in the content created on YouTube between 2015-06-15 to 2018-11-06, Donald Trump's presidential bid announcement and USA Midterm Elections. This research might inject some clarity into the ideas of this elusive political unit. After that, Framing theory was applied, to find one central frame that binds different conflict ideas into one political story, thus allowing to see the main point on what The International Alternative Right are basing their content. The research has been split into several research goals – to find out what conflict ideas are shown in the content, what frames are used to describe said conflict ideas, what counter-power and subculture are being created by the said ideas, and what is a possible time shift of said found conflict ideas. After analysing the videos using a qualitative content analysis, several conflict ideas were found: Islam, Ideology, Media, Establishment, H. Clinton and her team, Feminism, Protests, Political Correctness, Social Justice Activism, Culture and Academia. Found conflict tenets were sorted out by time and compared in the timeframe, to see if any of them are a reaction to political events, or created randomly according to the content creators' wishes. The results show that the biggest shift was the disappearance of H. Clinton topic after 2016 USA Presidential Election, and that most of the other topics correlated to the content creators' wishes, such as Lauren Southern's highest channel activity in 2017, or M. Yiannopoulos new talk show at the beginning of 2018. Both counter-power and subculture found were based on "resistance" topic, as if it was required to resist encroaching political opponents and ideas. They both display this trait by giving criticism to political opponents much more than suggesting their own political ideas. Main media frame that was revealed after the analysis is that the Western Civilization is being besieged by various political opponents from all sides. This is the central idea that binds all other political opponent ideas together. End recommendations for researchers is to find out and codify the actual meaning of the term "The International Alternative Right" because the vagueness of the title still might cause a challenge to policy makers and academics. It is easier to find out the opponents of this political unit than the meaning itself, which might force a conclusion that The International Alternative Right is a title to be stuck on non-mainstream hardly-understood right-wing ideas, not a codified political ideology. Research conclusions might be skewed by the author's prior knowledge of the topic.