Suchergebnisse

Análisis, reflexiones y recomendaciones sobre los posible progresos y las nuevas dinámicas en política exterior a lo largo del 2010.

The European Union is the third human group in the planet, the first world food importer and the second food exporter. It is a global actor in food security, whose policies affect world agricultural trade and, consequently, food security policies of every State in the world, especially those dependent on imports for food supplies. In this paper we examine the EU food security model, established by the CAP, and its international aspects, food trade relations and development cooperation. This is important for the Maghreb countries, as European internal policies have an impact on international food availability and international market prizes. EU policies are a referent for its neighbouring countries because of close trade policies and cooperation ties

Spain has undergone profound transformations as result of its accession to the European Union in 1986, on a steady process of europeanization. This article examines the bidirectional influence between Spanish foreign policy and European Common Foreign and Security Policy between 2001 and 2011 as an example of europeanization. During this period the Spanish Government was led by two political parties, the Conservative Party (PP) and the Socialists (PSOE), which had different visions about Spanish role in Europe and Spanish foreign policy. We will analyze these two distinct phases from different points of view: international and European contexts, both Governments visions and perceptions of European political project, their international and European alliances, paths of Europeanization (top-down y bottom-up), and Spanish participation in European Security and Defence Policy. We will pay special attention to the periods when Spain was at the helm of the European Union, in 2002 and 2010

Tesis Doctoral le?da en la Universidad Rey Juan Carlos de Madrid en 2018. Director de la Tesis: Jos? Luis Rodr?guez Jim?nez

La descolonización africana fue un periodo de intensa recreación de identidades nacionales. La independencia nacional fue, como puede constatarse en el proceso de descolonización de Guinea Ecuatorial, el lenguaje con el que se logró la retirada política d ; The African decolonization was a period of intense recreation of national identities. The national independence was, as it can be observed in the decolonization of Equatorial Guinea, the language with which the political retreat of Europeans from the cont

During the last five years the European Union (EU) has suffered two extreme existential crisis: Brexit, the withdrawal of one of its Member States, and the COVID-19 pandemics, which has a considerable impact on the Single Market. This paper will revise the EU political responses to both phenomena, analyzing if they have promoted more integration –an option for common action- or disintegration –unilateral measures taken by Member States. We will address the role of both Member States and Institutions, following the theoretical frames of Liberal Intergovernmentalism and Neofunctionalism. We can assess that both crisis have produced integration dynamics, in the form of support to institutions and the launching of new common policies and instruments. EU is much more resilient than initially expected, Member States are conscious of its utility for addressing nowadays challenges, which explains their compromise with common action. ; La Unión Europea (UE) ha vivido en los últimos cinco años dos graves crisis existenciales: el Brexit, la salida del Reino Unido como Estado miembro, la pandemia de la COVID-19, que ha supuesto un duro golpe al Mercado Interior. Revisaremos en este artículo las respuestas políticas dadas desde la UE preguntándonos si se ha producido integración o desintegración, es decir, si se ha reforzado la acción común o, por el contrario, se ha priorizado la respuesta unilateral por parte de los Estados miembros. Focalizaremos nuestra atención en el papel de los Estados miembros y las instituciones, contraponiendo los marcos teóricos del intergubernamentalismo liberal y el neofuncionalismo. Podemos constatar que ambas crisis existenciales han producido un reforzamiento de las dinámicas integradoras, tanto desde el punto de vista del apoyo a las instituciones como el lanzamiento de nuevas políticas e instrumentos comunes. La UE es mucho más resiliente de lo que parece a primera vista, y que sus Estados miembros son conscientes de que es el nivel adecuado para abordar los desafíos de la actualidad, lo que se demuestra por el compromiso reforzado por la acción común.

The Spanish National Security Strategy was adopted by the Council of Ministers, on 31st May 2013. It tries to offer a global vision of Spanish security challenges in context and seeks to bring together every State capacity and tools in order to increase security. Spain is a member of the European Union since the 1st January 1986. Since the EU is a multilevel political system, Spanish national security also depends on political action and tools at the European level. Historically, Spain is committed to deepening the European political integration, which has to be reflected in its general security frame. For all these reasons, an analysis of the Spanish Security Strategy, from a specific European perspective is needed. First of all, we have to assess the fact of the Spanish membership in the European Union as a given fact that determines its security conditions. Second, we shall examine the EU as an arena for political action in order to enhance national security. Third, from an instrumental point of view, European policies and institutions should be considered also as tools at the disposal of the Spanish government. They should be employed in order to address national security concerns

El objetivo de este artículo es el de presentar una genealogía de las migraciones guineoecuatorianas desde mediados del siglo XX hasta la actualidad. La emigración guineana se inició a finales del período colonial y estuvo motivada por temas políticos y formativos, causas que continuaron vertebrándola tras la instauración de las dictaduras de Macías y de Obiang. Ambas se combinaron con las minoritarias migraciones laborales. El hallazgo de petróleo a mediados de la década de los 1990 actuó como "efecto reclamo" y marcó el inicio de flujos migratorios inversos, apreciables a partir del año 2000, en unas inmigraciones que en parte protagonizarían algunos de los guineanos que se habían asentado en España o algunos de sus descendientes. La integración de la población de Guinea era difícil, tanto en los nuevos contextos de asentamiento en el extranjero como cuando regresaron a su país, pero los que han regresado a Guinea Ecuatorial por la crisis económica mundial, principalmente de países en los que han disfrutado de la ciudadanía democrática, tienen que enfrentar vivir en un país que no respeta los "derechos" por el sistema político dictatorial. ; The aim of this paper is to present a genealogy of Equatorial Guinean migration from mid- twentieth century to the present. Equatorial Guinean's emigration began in the late colonial period and was motivated by political issues and training, reasons that continued after the establishment of dictatorships of Macias and Obiang. Both were combined with the labor Migration. The discovery of oil in mid-1990 acted as a "claim effect" and signaled the start of reverse migration, observed from the year 2000, in part started by some of the Guineans who had settled in Spain or some of their descendants. The integration of Guinean people was difficult both in the new contexts of settlement abroad as when they returned to their country, but those who have returned to Equatorial Guinea by the global economic crisis, largely from countries where they have enjoyed democratic citizenship, live in a country that no respect to "rights" and "duties" by dictatorial political system. Keywords: Equatorial Guinea, transnational migration, exile, studies, dictatorship, oil. ; Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas HAR2011-22752

(ES) El objetivo de este artículo es el de presentar una genealogía de las migraciones guineoecuatorianas desde mediados del siglo XX hasta la actualidad. La emigración guineana se inició a finales del período colonial y estuvo motivada por temas políticos y formativos, causas que continuaron vertebrándola tras la instauración de las dictaduras de Macías y de Obiang. Ambas se combinaron con las minoritarias migraciones laborales. El hallazgo de petróleo a mediados de la década de los 1990 actuó como "efecto reclamo" y marcó el inicio de flujos migratorios inversos, apreciables a partir del año 2000, en unas inmigraciones que en parte protagonizarían algunos de los guineanos que se habían asentado en España o algunos de sus descendientes. La integración de la población de Guinea era difícil, tanto en los nuevos contextos de asentamiento en el extranjero como cuando regresaron a su país, pero los que han regresado a Guinea Ecuatorial por la crisis económica mundial, principalmente de países en los que han disfrutado de la ciudadanía democrática, tienen que enfrentar vivir en un país que no respeta los "derechos" por el sistema político dictatorial. ; (EN) The aim of this paper is to present a genealogy of Equatorial Guinean migration from midtwentieth century to the present. Equatorial Guinean's emigration began in the late colonial period and was motivated by political issues and training, reasons that continued after the establishment of dictatorships of Macias and Obiang. Both were combined with the labor Migration. The discovery of oil in mid-1990 acted as a "claim effect" and signaled the start of reverse migration, observed from the year 2000, in part started by some of the Guineans who had settled in Spain or some of their descendants. The integration of Guinean people was difficult both in the new contexts of settlement abroad as when they returned to their country, but those who have returned to Equatorial Guinea by the global economic crisis, largely from countries where they have enjoyed democratic citizenship, live in a country that no respect to "rights" and "duties" by dictatorial political system. ; Peer reviewed