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AbstractIn this paper we argue that our conception of and intuitions about paradoxes are themselves paradoxical. Specifically, we argue that our commitment to the existence and nature of paradoxes is inconsistent with a norm of rationality—which is a paradox.

Since David Cameron's announcement for a referendum on the United Kingdom's continued membership of the European Union widely reinforced Britain's reputation as a 'eurosceptic' and difficult Member State. This Chapter explores the 'English paradox', i.e. the United Kingdom's ever-present demands for EU reforms paired with a relative compliance when it came to the ratification of the successive European treaties. It first deals with the Cameron's demands for reforms in order to fix the UK-EU relationship and avoid a withdrawal from the EU. It then looks back at the reforms which had already been put forward by the previous Prime Ministers during the negotiations related to the adoption of the European treaties. Finally, it explains the British internal procedure for the ratification of the European treaties and how the specific political system involves the English paradox. The conclusion puts into perspective the aforementioned elements and the United Kingdom's 'eurosceptic' image. ; Peer reviewed

Paradoxes, contrary propositions that are not contestable separately but that are inconsistent when conjoined, constitute a pervasive feature of contemporary organizational life. When contradictory elements are constituted as equally important in day-to-day work, organizational actors frequently experience acute tensions in engaging with these contradictions. This Element discusses the presence of paradoxes in the life of organizations, introduces the reader to the notion of paradox in theory and practice, and distinguishes paradox and adjacent conceptualizations such as trade-off, dilemma, dialectics, ambiguity, etc. This Element also covers what triggers paradoxes and how they come into being whereby the Element distinguishes latent and salient paradoxes and how salient paradoxes are managed. This Element discusses key methodological challenges and possibilities of studying, teaching, and applying paradoxes and concludes by considering some future research questions left unexplored in the field.

'Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, wie Menschen, die in Minderheitenbewegungen aktiv sind, Kultur und andere Quellen von Identität definieren müssen, um diese als politische Ressource nutzen zu können. Sie fordern Gleichberechtigung für Gruppen, die in einer Gesellschaft kulturelle, soziale und wirtschaftliche Nachteile erleben. Es wird dargestellt, dass jene Minderheiten, die sich selbst als homogene Einheiten mit eigener Sprache und Kultur und mit eigenständigen, über Generationen erhaltenen Traditionen beschreiben, die besten Chancen haben, von Staaten und internationalen Organisationen als echte Minderheiten anerkannt zu werden. Das Paradox der Minderheitenrechte soll genau dieses Phänomen beleuchten: Um als echte Minderheit anerkannt zu werden, ahmen die MinderheitenaktivistInnen die in internationalen Minderheitenrechtsinstrumenten festgelegten Normen und Kriterien für Minderheitenrechte nach. Eine Minderheit, die Kultur gemäß einem modernen Verständnis als etwas begreift, das ständigem Wandel unterliegt und auch Unterschiede unter den Mitgliedern der Gruppe betont, hat keine oder geringe Chancen auf Minderheitenschutz und Förderung. Das Rechtsparadox resultiert daraus, dass die Minderheitenschutzinstrumente nicht nur die Kultur und Identität von Minderheiten schützen, sondern auch mit definieren, was schutzwürdig ist.' (Autorenreferat)

The book compiles research on Condorcet's Paradox over some two centuries. It begins with a historical overview of the discovery of Condorcet's Paradox in the 18th Century, reviews numerous studies conducted to find actual occurrences of the paradox, and compiles research that has been done to develop mathematical representations for the probability that the paradox will be observed. Combines all approaches that have been used to study this very interesting phenomenon.

Fortunate misfortune -- The paradox of beneficial retirement -- Two paradoxes about justice and the severity of punishment -- Blackmail : the solution -- The paradox of nonpunishment -- On not being sorry about the morally bad -- Choice-egalitarianism and the paradox of the baseline -- Morality and moral worth -- The paradox of moral complaint -- Preferring not to have been born -- A meta-paradox : are paradoxes bad? -- Reflections on moral paradox

Preliminary Material /Gerd Roellecke -- Das Paradox der Verfassungsauslegung. Eine Einführung /Gerd Roellecke -- Die Entkoppelung von Recht und Religion /Gerd Roellecke -- Rechtsstaat – Nichtrechtsstaat – Unrechtsstaat /Gerd Roellecke -- Natur- und Denkmalschutz durch privates Eigentum? /Gerd Roellecke -- Vom »Sinn und Zweck« der Grundrechte /Gerd Roellecke -- Quellennachweise /Gerd Roellecke -- Anmerkungen /Gerd Roellecke -- Schönburger Schriften zu Recht und Staat /Gerd Roellecke.

Die Differenzen zwischen Berlin und Warschau rühren - so die These des Beitrags - mehr von der Art und Weise her, wie die Interessen der anderen osteuropäischen Länder wahrgenommen und dargestellt werden. Kennzeichnend ist hier ein Paradox: das Auseinanderlaufen von öffentlichem Diskurs und Diplomatie bzw. tatsächlicher Außenpolitik - und das in beiden Ländern. Der Beitrag zeigt dies an den unterschiedlichen Reaktionen auf jene Ereignisse, die als "orangene Revolution" der Ukraine in die Leitartikel eingegangen sind. Diese Ereignisse wurden in der deutschen und polnischen Öffentlichkeit unter ganz anderen Vorzeichen interpretiert. Polens Medien und ein Großteil seiner Politiker sahen darin eine weitere Etappe im Versuch der Ukraine, die volle (wirtschaftliche und politische) Unabhängigkeit zu erreichen. Sie betrachteten die Ereignisse im Nachbarland unter einem nationalen Paradigma. In Deutschlands Medien wurden die Ereignisse in Kiew dagegen zunächst als Gefahr für die Stabilität und erst nach einer Schrecksekunde von mehreren Tagen als Chance für Demokratie begriffen und wegen der vermuteten Destabilisierungsgefahr zunächst skeptisch betrachtet. Danach dominierte das - dem Charakter der Ereignisse eher adäquate - staatsbürgerliche Paradigma. So kam es, dass die "orangene Revolution" in Polen, gerade weil sie als nationale Bewegung missverstanden wurde, enthusiastisch begrüßt wurde, während man sie in Deutschland zunächst mit großer Skepsis betrachtete, was ebenfalls auf einem Fehlschluss über ihren angeblich nationalen Charakter beruhte. Dieser Gegensatz von deutscher, staatsbürgerlicher Sichtweise und polnischer, nationaler Sichtweise durchzieht die gesamten Auseinandersetzungen zwischen polnischer und deutscher Öffentlichkeit im Bezug auf den außerhalb der EU liegenden Teil des europäischen postsowjetischen Raumes. (ICA2)

For the first time in an era, new investment products for smaller ("retail ") investors are emerging. These products are mutual funds that engage in the types of trading and investment activities that have long been the province of sophisticated investors. Accordingly, the new funds (called "alternative funds") promise to reduce the gulf between retail investors and their sophisticated counterparts, in terms of portfolio diversification and investment results. This Article describes the complex mix of factors that spawned alternative funds and critically evaluates the funds' potential, the first scholarly work to do so. It additionally unearths the paradox that impedes the realization of that potential: although financial advisers counsel that portfolio diversification reduces investment risk, taking advantage of the opportunities that now make diversification possible could unduly increase that risk. This result, moreover, arises not from alternative funds themselves. Rather, it is a product of the fact that the primary regulatory tool for protecting investors—disclosure—is particularly ineffective in the alternative fund context. In addition, the profit-driven financial professionals that assist retail investors with their investment decisions need not, in many cases, do so in furtherance of their customers' best interests and, in any event, may not have sufficient expertise about alternative funds to be useful. The Article contends that regulatory solutions should center not on disclosure, as the usual target of securities regulatory reform, but, rather, on the processes by which mutual fund shares are marketed and sold to investors. It proposes politically feasible reforms that would dissolve the paradox, enabling retail investors to take better advantage of the new investment universe.

In 2006, after nearly two decades of civil conflict and instability, Liberia's physical and governance infrastructure was destroyed and its brutalized population stricken with high levels of illiteracy and unemployment. The newly formed government of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf was not able to meet the stringent requirements imposed by the global aid architecture at the time.In response to this, the Open Society Foundations and UNICEF, working in collaboration with the Government of the Netherlands, made a commitment to deliver up to $20 million to Liberia's Ministry of Education to catalyze the recovery of the sector and to support the development of a comprehensive sector plan. The Liberia Education Pooled Fund was launched in May 2008.The purpose of this publication is to present the realistic story of Liberia's post-conflict educational recovery and the inherent paradox of the partnerships that are necessary to support it. The contributors to this volume have presented firsthand accounts of their engagement in the immediate post-conflict phase of Liberia's educational recovery, and with this have provided lessons and insight for a growing field of education and international development specialists.

"The line of heterodox economic thinking named 'the economics of conventions' emerged in the 1980s in France. Four among its six founding fathers had a strong background in statistics and were working at INSEE (the French National Institute of Statistics and Economic Research). However, the numerous and fruitful researches in the line of this new paradigm have only slightly used the quantitative methods (above all econometrics) that are widely spread in mainstream economics as well as in other heterodox movements, e.g. the French school of regulation. In order to provide a rationale for this paradox, we are lead to set the development of the economics of conventions within a broader history of economics and social sciences. Indeed, from the 1980s onwards, social sciences have gone through a movement of bifurcation that brought about a deep change in the scientific and political status of quantification. Monitoring this movement leads to address the issue of the relationships between the search for theoretical reflexivity and the social demand for expertise addressed to economics." (author's abstract)

Netanel explores the tensions between copyright law and free speech concerns, revealing how copyright law can impose unacceptable burdens on speech. He gives concrete illustrations of how copyright often prevents speakers from effectively conveying their message, tracing this conflict across both traditional and digital media.