Suchergebnisse

Polazište ovog članka je u tvrdnji da doktrina narodnog samoodređenja i dalje ostaje jedna od najparadoksalnijih, najkontroverznijih, ali istodobno i najuspješnijih doktrina, koja i dalje u velikoj mjeri doprinosi oblikovanju postojećeg međunarodnog sustava nacionalnih država. U članku se tvrdi da je ta doktrina, čija je namjera bila da sačuva mir i ljudsko dostojanstvo, uvijek bila u samom srcu mnogih sukoba. Ovaj članak analizira paradokse i kontroverze koji su sadržani u toj doktrini, počevši od napetosti između univerzalnosti doktrine narodnog samoodređenja s jedne, i posebnosti nekog konkretnog zahtjeva za narodno samoodređenje neke nacionalne grupe s druge strane. Ti paradoksi i kontroverze odnose se na širok spektar pitanja: od političkih izazova i pitanja legitimnosti same nacionalne države, koja se na taj način stvara, do činjenice da je doktrina narodnog samoodređenja zapravo stvar međunarodne politike, a ne tek puko unutarnje, tj. nacionalno pitanje. Ne odbacujemo samu doktrinu samoodređenja, nego zaključujemo – u zadnjem (devetom) paradoksu – da se njena uspješnost ili neuspješnost ne smije mjeriti brojem država koje su nastale na taj način, nego u kojoj je mjeri ona uspješna u pretvaranju postojećih država u "sigurne kuće" za sve jasnije definirane nacionalne grupe. ; This article's point of departure is that the national self-determination doctrine remains one of the most paradoxical, contested, but successful doctrines which has largely contributed to the shape of our existing international system of nation-states. It argues that the doctrine which is intended to safeguard peace and human dignity is and always has been at the heart of many conflicts. Starting with the tension between the universality of the national self-determination doctrine and the particularity of the national group whose interests it promotes, the article explores other paradoxes contained within this doctrine. They range from political and legitimacy challenges to the very nation-state it creates, through the violations of human rights contrary to its very meaning, to the fact that national self-determination doctrine, far from being a national issue, is actually an international affair. While not rejecting the doctrine, the paper concludes with the final (ninth) paradox that perhaps the success of this doctrine should not be measured by how many states it can produce, but how it can make the existing states a safe home for more self-differentiating national groups.

U ovom radu se na temelju podataka terenskih anketnih istraživanja iz 2015. i 2016. godine analizira odnos između povjerenja u političke i provedbene institucije s jedne strane te protekcionizma s druge strane. Točnije, u prvom dijelu teksta se nastoji prikazati kako je povjerenje u institucije, kao normativno očekivanje, konceptualno povezano s protekcionizmom. Uz to, temeljem faktorske analize, utvrđuje se protekcionistička dimenzija stavova te se prikazuje njena distribucija kroz posljednje desetljeće. Istodobno, u svojevrsnom istraživačkom predkoraku, rad analizira i socioekonomske te demografske determinante takve dimenzije stavova. Nakon toga, u središnjem djelu analize, prikazuje se negativna međusobna povezanost povjerenja u institucije i protekcionizma, pri čemu su efekti takvog utjecaja nešto izraženiji kod povjerenja u provedbene institucije. Osim toga, regresijski modeli pokazuju kako su, uz protekcionizam, najznačajnije nezavisne varijable koje ispituju razine autoritarnosti i socijalnog povjerenja. Također se prikazuje kakve efekte identifikacija sa strankom na vlasti ima na razine institucionalnog povjerenja. ; This paper analyzes the relationship between trust in political and implementing institutions on the one hand and protectionism on the other, based on field survey data from 2015 and 2016. Precisely, the first part of the text seeks to show how trust in institutions, as a normative expectation, is conceptually related to protectionism. In addition, based on factor analysis, the protectionist dimension of attitudes is shown and its distribution over the last decade is presented. At the same time, in a kind of research pre-step, the paper analyzes the socio-economic and demographic determinants of such a dimension of attitude. After that, in the central part of the analysis, the negative interrelationship between trust in institutions and protectionism is presented, with the effects of such influence being somewhat more pronounced in the case of trust in implementing institutions. In ...

Brendiranje gradova s nasilnom poviješću obilježeno je srcima, no kakva ljubav pogoduje uspostavljanju i unaprjeđivanju demokratskih zajednica – i kako umjetnici ovoj temi mogu pristupiti na vjerodostojan način? U Belfastu, u Sjevernoj Irskoj, dužnosnici su odlučili srušiti zgradu umjetničke škole, nazvanu po Orfeju, prvome umjetniku i graditelju mira koji je riskirao smrt za ljubav svoje žene i bio brutalno ubijen. Ovaj esej bavi se radom Sandre Johnston, koja se tamo školovala, a kasnije i predavala. Sama žrtva nasilja, svojim hrabrim performansima, instalacijama i videografijom analizira i prikazuje ljubav koja prihvaća: nešto što Martha Nussbaum ističe kao vjerodostojan odraz zrelog, demokratskog stava. ; City branding of contested cities with violent histories has taken hold of hearts, but what kind of love is conducive to establishing and furthering democratic communities - and how can artists approach this subject matter in a credible way? In Belfast, Northern Ireland, officials decided to demolish the art school's building, named after Orpheus, the first artist and peace-builder, who braved death for the love of his wife, and was brutally murdered. This essay reflects on the work of Sandra Johnston, who studied and then taught there. Herself a victim of violence, her courageous performance, installation and video work analyses and models accepting love: that which Martha Nussbaum put forward as credible reflection of a mature, democratic attitude.

The significance of positive political theory is recognized in the text, placing special emphasis on the theories of public choice & voting. The main reasons for the study of political, particularly electoral, processes from the viewpoint of positive theory are enumerated. The author further questions certain fundamental postulates of normative theories of democracy & their lack of viability. He goes on to analyze the phenomenon of the so-called electoral or voting paradoxes & their possible influence on electoral results &, ultimately, on democratic norms themselves. The existence of voting paradoxes & their theoretical rationale is considered unequivocal & is mathematically proved. The author also reviews the most significant works on voting paradoxes & the theory of public choice. 3 Figures, 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Croatian readers are provided with an alphabetic glossary listing & explaining terms that are seldom clearly defined in current reference works on sociology but the knowledge of which is indispensable for participating in contemporary discourse in & on social sciences. Some of the terms included are: paradigma 'paradigm,' postmoderna 'postmodernity,' paradoks 'paradox,' samoreferencija 'selfreference,' autopoeza 'autopoiesis,' globalizam 'globalization,' medij 'medium,' fairness 'fairness,' binarni kod/bipolarnost 'binary code/bipolarity,' & others. Z. Dubiel

Croatian readers are provided with an alphabetic glossary listing & explaining terms that are seldom clearly defined in current reference works on sociology but the knowledge of which is indispensable for participating in contemporary discourse in & on social sciences. Some of the terms included are: paradigma 'paradigm,' postmoderna 'postmodernity,' paradoks 'paradox,' samoreferencija 'selfreference,' autopoeza 'autopoiesis,' globalizam 'globalization,' medij 'medium,' fairness 'fairness,' binarni kod/bipolarnost 'binary code/bipolarity,' & others. Z. Dubiel

The author used the 1956 Hungarian anti-Stalinist rebellion as the starting point for a thorough rethinking of the political structures of man's existence, in particular of political power. Such a rethinking is based on the insight regarding the autonomy of the political with regard to the economic and class structure of society. From this is derived not only the specific rationality of state and politics, but also the specific political evils related to the very nature of political power. Specific rationality, specific evil -- therein lies the double and paradoxical originality of the political. It is the task of political philosophy to make this originality explicit and to clarify its paradox: the greatest political evil is linked with the greatest political rationality, and political alienation exists precisely because the political is relatively autonomous. The autonomy of the political is not only the idea of man's stepping into man-hood through citizen-hood, but also the distinctive character of the political connection in relation to the economic connection. The understanding and criticism of the political paradox can be approached only if one sets clear boundaries to the political sphere and perceives the validity of the distinction between the political and the economic. Every criticism presupposes this distinction, and it does not abolish it in any respect. In order to rediscover the sense of the political, one must return to Rousseau's reflection in continuation of a return to the thinkers of classical antiquity (Aristotle's Politics in particular) as basis for any criticism of power. The truth of the political, as the reality of state ideality, is the legal equality of all before all, irreducible to class conflicts, to the dynamics of economic supremacy and alienation. But the state is also -- will, administration and physical coercion. Thus the political as a reasonable organisation implies politics as decision: the political is always accompanied by politics. Unlike the political, which exists only in great moments, in "crises", at "turning points", at crossroads of history, politics is perceived as a set of actions aimed at winning, executing and retaining power. Precisely politics poses the problem of political evil. This however does not mean that power is identical to evil. But power is particularly prone to evil; throughout history it has been perhaps the greatest opportunity for evil and the greatest demonstration of evil. The reason for this is that power is a momentous thing, that power is the instrument of historical rationality of the state. This is the fundamental political paradox. A practical solution to this paradox -- to achieve that there is a state, but that there is not too much of it -- is possible only through democratic control of the people over the state and through invention of institutional techniques the purpose of which is to make possible the exercise of power and to make impossible any abuse thereof. Adapted from the source document.

The author presents a thesis about the difference between cultural/historical & political identity by distinguishing the cultural/historical majorities & minorities from the political winners & losers. He points to the democratic paradox according to which states are not ruled by the losers' political majorities but by the winners' political minorities. According to the author, in multiethnic societies, it is necessary to equally develop the popular & the political culture -- that is both cultural & political tolerance. Adapted from the source document.

The problem with sovereignty is that it is marked by traditional paradoxes: namely, it represents a stance that presumes an institutional solution, & simultaneously empowers all institutions of a given community (& thus is above them). Sovereignty has the form of a legal instance, but it is also the prerequisite of an entire (positive) legal system of a community; it manifests itself always as a political problem, but nowhere is its solution purely political; & finally, sovereignty is considered a fundamental national categorical (constitutional) basis for existence of a nation, but simultaneously it is always considered, affirmed, &, to some degree, determined in the international context. Adapted from the source document.