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The World Health Organization states that health promotion is a key strategy to improve health, and it is conceived as a global process of enabling people to increase control over, and to improve, their health. Health promotion does not focus solely on empowering individuals dealing with their knowledge, attitudes and skills, but it also takes political, social, economic and environmental aspects influencing health and wellbeing into account. The complexity of applying these concepts is reflected in the five paradoxes in health promotion; these arise in between the rhetoric in health promotion and implementation. The detected paradoxes which are described herein involve the patient versus the person, the individual versus the group, disease professionals versus health professionals, disease indicators versus health indicators, and health as an expense versus health as an investment. Making these contradictions explicit can help determine why it is so complex to put the concepts related to health promotion into practice. It can also help to put forward aspects that need further work if health promotion is to put into practice. (C) 2017 SESPAS: Published by Elsevier Espaila, S.L.U.

In 2007, Argentina started to participate in the global biofuels market, with its first biodiesel exports to Europe, taking advantage of her capacity and her position as largest soybean oil producer in the world. Besides being one of the largest corn exporters and owning large sugarcane processing plants, Argentina also has the potential to reach bioethanol markets. National legislation imposes a 5% biofuels blend by 2010 and promotes their use for electricity generation too. The consumption of these renewable energy sources would contribute to change the actual energy model -based 90% on fossil fuels- and also to reduce gasoil and natural gas deficits. Moreover, small agricultural producers from different regions of the country would receive benefits from their biofuels production: a share guaranteed for the national market as well as tax exemptions. Paradoxically, producers lack financial assistance for their investments, they cannot compete with low locally fixed fossil fuel prices and face the uncertainty of the price which biofuels would receive from the authorities for local blending. A consequence of this is that actual biodiesel production is concentrated among a few big oil companies located in Rosario and is then exported. This study is based on recollected information and interviews with different actors of the biofuel sector. This presentation emphasizes the lack of compromise from the State to change not only the Argentine energy model based on hydrocarburates, but also the agro-export productive model, in order to promote real opportunities of development for small producers. It also reports about the impact of this issue on territorial and socioeconomic inequity. 1

In 2007, Argentina started to participate in the global biofuels market, with its first biodiesel exports to Europe, taking advantage of her capacity and her position as largest soybean oil producer in the world. Besides being one of the largest corn exporters and owning large sugarcane processing plants, Argentina also has the potential to reach bioethanol markets. National legislation imposes a 5% biofuels blend by 2010 and promotes their use for electricity generation too. The consumption of these renewable energy sources would contribute to change the actual energy model -based 90% on fossil fuels- and also to reduce gasoil and natural gas deficits. Moreover, small agricultural producers from different regions of the country would receive benefits from their biofuels production: a share guaranteed for the national market as well as tax exemptions. Paradoxically, producers lack financial assistance for their investments, they cannot compete with low locally fixed fossil fuel prices and face the uncertainty of the price which biofuels would receive from the authorities for local blending. A consequence of this is that actual biodiesel production is concentrated among a few big oil companies located in Rosario and is then exported. This study is based on recollected information and interviews with different actors of the biofuel sector. This presentation emphasizes the lack of compromise from the State to change not only the Argentine energy model based on hydrocarburates, but also the agro-export productive model, in order to promote real opportunities of development for small producers. It also reports about the impact of this issue on territorial and socioeconomic inequity. 1

This article is a translation into Spanish of Wendy Brown's article "Suffering rights as paradoxes," originally published inConstellations in 2000. In this paper, the author considers the difficult relation between selected feminist ambitions and rights discourse in the United States. This translation is part of the dossier "Feminist Political Theory: Tensions, Dilemmas and Debates," published in Las Torres de Lucca, International Journal of Political Philosophy in July 2020. ; Este texto es una traducción al castellano de "Suffering rights as paradoxes" de Wendy Brown, publicado originalmente en Constellations en el 2000. En este artículo la autora se propone reflexionar en torno la difícil relación entre algunas de las demandas del feminismo y el discurso de los derechos en Estados Unidos. La presente traducción forma parte del dossier "Teoría política feminista: tensiones, dilemas y debates," publicado en Las Torres de Lucca, Revista Internacional de Filosofía Política en julio de 2020.

El objetivo principal del artículo consiste en analizar las implicancias de la categoría "Estado total" en el pensamiento de Carl Schmitt. La hipótesis de lectura esgrimida sostiene que dicho término pone de manifiesto que el propio concepto de lo político implica un grado de despolitización de la sociedad que afirma al Estado y a su capacidad de neutralizar los conflictos de la unidad política. En este sentido, en el trabajo se muestra que la totalización schmittiana no puede ser entendida de forma unívoca ―ni asociada rápidamente al totalitarismo― por lo que resulta crucial dar cuenta del trasfondo histórico de sus distintas obras a partir de la utilización del método exegético-hermenéutico. Finalmente, como conclusión, se indica el uso dual por parte del autor del concepto Estado total poniéndose de manifiesto la diferencia entre un tipo de totalización positiva a manos de un Estado fuerte y un tipo de totalización perniciosa a cargo de las organizaciones sociales.AbstractThe article analyzes the concept of "Total State" in the Schmittian thought. The hypothesis is that this category should relate to the conceptualization of the author on politics. The own concept of the political implies a degree of politicization of society that reaffirms the state and its ability to neutralize conflicts of political unity. On the other hand, Schmitt's notion of the total cannot be understood unambiguously ―nor associated rapidly with totalitarianism― for which it becomes crucial to account for the historical background of his respective works by the utilization of the hermeneutical and exegetical method. Finally the conclusion indicates the difference between a kind of positive totalization at the hands of a strong State and a sort of pernicious totalization at the hands of social organizations. ; El objetivo principal del artículo consiste en analizar las implicancias de la categoría "Estado total" en el pensamiento de Carl Schmitt. La hipótesis de lectura esgrimida sostiene que dicho término pone de manifiesto que el propio concepto de lo político implica un grado de despolitización de la sociedad que afirma al Estado y a su capacidad de neutralizar los conflictos de la unidad política. En este sentido, en el trabajo se muestra que la totalización schmittiana no puede ser entendida de forma unívoca ―ni asociada rápidamente al totalitarismo― por lo que resulta crucial dar cuenta del trasfondo histórico de sus distintas obras a partir de la utilización del método exegético-hermenéutico. Finalmente, como conclusión, se indica el uso dual por parte del autor del concepto Estado total poniéndose de manifiesto la diferencia entre un tipo de totalización positiva a manos de un Estado fuerte y un tipo de totalización perniciosa a cargo de las organizaciones sociales.AbstractThe article analyzes the concept of "Total State" in the Schmittian thought. The hypothesis is that this category should relate to the conceptualization of the author on politics. The own concept of the political implies a degree of politicization of society that reaffirms the state and its ability to neutralize conflicts of political unity. On the other hand, Schmitt's notion of the total cannot be understood unambiguously ―nor associated rapidly with totalitarianism― for which it becomes crucial to account for the historical background of his respective works by the utilization of the hermeneutical and exegetical method. Finally the conclusion indicates the difference between a kind of positive totalization at the hands of a strong State and a sort of pernicious totalization at the hands of social organizations.

With the prevalence of smart devices and wireless Internet, privacy has become a pivotal matter in governmental, academic, and technological fields. Our study aims to understand Taiwanese university students' privacy concerns and protective behaviours in relation to online targeting ads and their habitual smartphone usage. Surveying 810 valid subjects, our results first propose that ad relevance has direct bearing on attention to ads. Second, ad relevance inversely correlates with privacy concerns (i.e. descending personal control and surging corporate power) and protective behaviours (self-filtering and ad evasion). Third and finally, neither privacy concerns nor protective behaviours have a negative bearing on habitual smartphone usage. Opposite to previous research, our study concludes that Taiwanese college students exhibit zero privacy paradox, owing to no signs of privacy concern incited by mobile targeting ads, no evidence of significant protective behaviours, and no decreasing habitual smartphone usage out of privacy concern and protection. Our findings indicate Taiwanese university students' shaky awareness of potential risks and crises from exposure to vulnerable online privacy management. To deal with this, we suggest educating youths' understandings of digital jeopardy by experts is urgently needed more so than just technical tutorials of privacy settings.

Ecuador en tiempos del gobierno de Rafael Correa constituye un caso perfecto de la paradoja político-ambiental, que trata de conflictos en los cuales todos los actores – autoridades del Estado y opositores ecologistas e indígenas – se auto-identifican como los verdaderos defensores del ambiente y las condiciones humanas. Por un lado, Ecuador tiene la Constitución más progresista del mundo en cuanto a la protección de la naturaleza y entre las más radicales en el reconocimiento de los derechos de los pueblos étnicamente definidos.Por otro lado, la economía desarrollista basada en extractivismo se ha mantenido durante el período y el gobierno argumenta que los ingresos derivados del extractivismo son utilizados para el bien común (bienestar social). Basándose en varios años de trabajo etnográfico en Ecuador, la lectura crítica de publicaciones temáticas y el análisis de discursos públicos, documentos políticos y datos recogidos a través de observación participativa, el artículo identifica y problematiza las narrativas dominantes entre los diferentes actores de los escenarios discursivos contenciosos, y también analiza cómo las autoridades estatales y sus opositores buscan posicionarse hacia el otro en relación al extractivismo y a las preocupaciones ecológicas.¿Cómo se perciben, definen y expresan las políticas ambientales (progresistas) y las preocupaciones ecológicas por parte de los diferentes actores? ; Ecuador in times of the Rafael Correa government constitutes a perfect example of the politico-environmental paradox, which deals with conflicts in which all involved actors –State authorities as well as ecologist and Indigenous opposition- claim to represent the true vanguard concerning safeguarding of the environment and human conditions. On the one hand, Ecuador presents the most progressive Constitution in the world regarding the protection of nature and it also incorporates far-reaching recognition of Indigenous peoples. On the other hand, the developmentalist economy based on extractivism has continued during the period and the government argues that the revenues of extractive industries benefit the common good (welfare reforms).Based on several years of ethnographic fieldwork in Ecuador, combined with critical reading of previous literature and analysis of public discourses, political documents and material obtained through participatory observation, this article identifies and problematizes the dominant narratives among the actors of the contentious discursive scenarios. It also analyzes how State authorities and their adversaries aim at positioning themselves towards the other in relation to extractivism and ecological concerns.How are (progressive) environmental politics and ecological concernsperceived, defined and expressed by different actors? ; 29-73 ; rickard@lai.su.se ; rickard.lalander@helsinki.fi ; Semestral

Relational goods provide a theoretical explanation for the puzzling fact that rational individuals engage in collective action, including political participation. Relational goods facilitate provision of public goods, although they are not public goods themselves. A relational good only exists when non-anonymous others share the good, the «identity» characteristic, but these might not be specific individuals in direct contact. «Indirect» relational goods, shared with persons of a certain type, such as a certain social identity, can also increase participation. It remains theoretically problematic how well-defined the «other» must be for a relational good to exist. The indirect relational goods provide key opportunities for elites to mobilize participation. Support for the role of relational goods in collective action comes from substantial empirical work (using survey data and field experiments) examining the roles of publicity, group identification, and mobilization in increasing political participation.Los bienes relacionales ofrecen un marco teórico capaz de explicar el desconcertante hecho de por qué los individuos racionales participan en la acción colectiva, en la que se incluye la participación política. Los bienes relacionales facilitan la provisión de bienes públicos, aunque estos no sean en sí mismos bienes públicos. Un bien relacional sólo existe cuando se comparte un bien con otros sujetos no-anónimos –la característica de «identidad»– pero estos podrían no ser individuos específicos en contacto directo. Bienes relacionales «indirectos», compartidos por personas de un determinado tipo, como puede ser una cierta identidad social, también pueden aumentar la participación. Sigue siendo una problemática teórica el saber cómo definir bien la figura del «otro» para que pueda existir un bien relacional. Los bienes relacionales indirectos proporcionan oportunidades básicas para que las elites puedan lograr movilizar la participación. El apoyo del papel que desempeñan los bienes relacionales en la acción colectiva viene ratificado por un sustancial trabajo empírico (basado en encuestas y en trabajos de campo) que examina los papeles de la publicidad, de la identidad de grupo y de la movilización de una creciente participación política.

T.H. Marshall's classic text: "Citizenship and Social Class", in which he discusses the interconnectedness of civil, political, and social rights, sti-pulates a positive relationship between democracy and social inclusion. The former provides a basis on which the losers of —socially polarizing— market processes can claim and obtain social rights.In fact, the experience of Western Europe exhibits an evolutionary pat-tern with regard to the expansion of the right to vote, followed by the expansion of the welfare state, which led to a marked decrease in income and wealth disparities in society. Marshall's insight that the exercising of civil and political rights must be supplemented by additional social rights has become an unquestioned normative tenet in the industrialized countries. This seems to confirm the notion of a causallink between de-mocratic participation rights and the granting of social rights.

T.H. Marshall's classic text: "Citizenship and Social Class", in which he discusses the interconnectedness of civil, political, and social rights, sti-pulates a positive relationship between democracy and social inclusion. The former provides a basis on which the losers of —socially polarizing— market processes can claim and obtain social rights.In fact, the experience of Western Europe exhibits an evolutionary pat-tern with regard to the expansion of the right to vote, followed by the expansion of the welfare state, which led to a marked decrease in income and wealth disparities in society. Marshall's insight that the exercising of civil and political rights must be supplemented by additional social rights has become an unquestioned normative tenet in the industrialized countries. This seems to confirm the notion of a causallink between de-mocratic participation rights and the granting of social rights.

T.H. Marshall's classic text: "Citizenship and Social Class", in which he discusses the interconnectedness of civil, political, and social rights, sti-pulates a positive relationship between democracy and social inclusion. The former provides a basis on which the losers of —socially polarizing— market processes can claim and obtain social rights.In fact, the experience of Western Europe exhibits an evolutionary pat-tern with regard to the expansion of the right to vote, followed by the expansion of the welfare state, which led to a marked decrease in income and wealth disparities in society. Marshall's insight that the exercising of civil and political rights must be supplemented by additional social rights has become an unquestioned normative tenet in the industrialized countries. This seems to confirm the notion of a causallink between de-mocratic participation rights and the granting of social rights.

T.H. Marshall's classic text: "Citizenship and Social Class", in which he discusses the interconnectedness of civil, political, and social rights, sti-pulates a positive relationship between democracy and social inclusion. The former provides a basis on which the losers of —socially polarizing— market processes can claim and obtain social rights.In fact, the experience of Western Europe exhibits an evolutionary pat-tern with regard to the expansion of the right to vote, followed by the expansion of the welfare state, which led to a marked decrease in income and wealth disparities in society. Marshall's insight that the exercising of civil and political rights must be supplemented by additional social rights has become an unquestioned normative tenet in the industrialized countries. This seems to confirm the notion of a causallink between de-mocratic participation rights and the granting of social rights.

Exposición itinerante ; Cuando en 2014 la AECID empezó a itinerar la exposición Hic et nunc. Sobre paradojas democráticas por Ecuador, Estados Unidos, México, República Dominicana, Paraguay y Guatemala , el proyecto empezó a nutrirse, de manera natural, por las aportaciones del trabajo de otros artistas locales latinoamericanos. Partiendo de las mismas premisas que el proyecto expositivo primigenio, pero desde diferentes coordenadas geográficas, Ibi et nunc es el resultado de doce nuevas propuestas que, desde el espacio latinoamericano, analizan la situación socioeconómica europea a través de sus trabajos. ; Texto en español e inglés

Ecuador en tiempos del gobierno de Rafael Correa constituye un caso perfecto de la paradoja político-ambiental, que trata de conflictos en los cuales todos los actores – autoridades del Estado y opositores ecologistas e indígenas – se auto-identifican como los verdaderos defensores del ambiente y las condiciones humanas. Por un lado, Ecuador tiene la Constitución más progresista del mundo en cuanto a la protección de la naturaleza y entre las más radicales en el reconocimiento de los derechos de los pueblos étnicamente definidos. Por otro lado, la economía desarrollista basada en extractivismo se ha mantenido durante el período y el gobierno argumenta que los ingresos derivados del extractivismo son utilizados para el bien común (bienestar social). Basándose en varios años de trabajo etnográfico en Ecuador, la lectura crítica de publicaciones temáticas y el análisis de discursos públicos, documentos políticos y datos recogidos a través de observación participativa, el artículo identifica y problematiza las narrativas dominantes entre los diferentes actores de los escenarios discursivos contenciosos, y también analiza cómo las autoridades estatales y sus opositores buscan posicionarse hacia el otro en relación al extractivismo y a las preocupaciones ecológicas. ¿Cómo se perciben, definen y expresan las políticas ambientales (progresistas) y las preocupaciones ecológicas por parte de los diferentes actores? ; Ecuador in times of the Rafael Correa government constitutes a perfect example of the politico-environmental paradox, which deals with conflicts in which all involved actors –State authorities as well as ecologist and Indigenous opposition - claim to represent the true vanguard concerning safeguarding of the environment and human conditions. On the one hand, Ecuador presents the most progressive Constitution in the world regarding the protection of nature and it also incorporates far-reaching recognition of Indigenous peoples. On the other hand, the developmentalist economy based on extractivism has continued during the period and the government argues that the revenues of extractive industries benefit the common good (welfare reforms). Based on several years of ethnographic fieldwork in Ecuador, combined with critical reading of previous literature and analysis of public discourses, political documents and material obtained through participatory observation, this article identifies and problematizes the dominant narratives among the actors of the contentious discursive scenarios. It also analyzes how State authorities and their adversaries aim at positioning themselves towards the other in relation to extractivism and ecological concerns. How are (progressive) environmental politics and ecological concerns perceived, defined and expressed by different actors? ; Rights of Nature – Nature of Rights. Neo-Constitutionalism and Ethno-Ecologist Resistance in Bolivia and Ecuador. Funded by the Swedish Research Council Formas (2013-2016).

This paper reflects on the discourse of some currents that –within critical thinking in accounting– are rooted in Marx, Freud, and Nietzsche and expose the role of ideology in the distortion of reality as inception for critical thinking in the twentieth century. However, critical accounting thinking is sometimes mild and exposed to logical risks. Thus, the paradox of Mannheim and Ricoeur is examined, which demonstrates the logical risk of not considering self-criticism, offering a critical alternative, more as an instrument and therapeutic attitude than as a theory in itself. It exposes the political turn of accounting thinking and its natural path to criticism to highlight the possibilities of a non-paradoxical and transformative accounting criticism. Furthermore, the criticism exposed by Morales and Sponem is analyzed, and a counterargument is offered. It concludes with a Foucauldian critical possibility. ; En este escrito se reflexiona sobre el discurso de algunas corrientes que —dentro del pensamiento crítico en contabilidad— tienen sus raíces en Marx, Freud y Nietzsche y que evidencian el papel de la ideología en la distorsión de la realidad. Por su parte, el pensamiento contable crítico es ligero en ocasiones y se expone a riesgos lógicos. Se examina, por tanto, la paradoja de Mannheim y Ricoeur, que demuestra el riesgo lógico de no considerar una autocrítica. Se ofrece, así, una alternativa crítica, más como instrumento y actitud terapéutica que como una teoría en sí misma. Se expone el giro político del pensamiento contable y su trazo natural hacia la crítica, para destacar las posibilidades de una crítica contable no paradójica y transformadora. Se analizan, además, las críticas expuestas por Morales y Sponem y se ofrece un contraargumento. Se concluye con una posibilidad crítica de tipo foucaultiano.