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(Thesis) Thesis--University of Florida. ; (Bibliography) Bibliography: leaves 132-136. ; Typescript. ; Vita. ; (Statement of Responsibility) by Margaret Allen Aiesi.

Most of the variables in survey-based studies of electoral behaviour are measured only at second hand. Although sex or race can be coded from direct observation, and whether an individual voted can often be ascertained from documentary evidence, researchers must usually rely on respondents' accuracy and truthfulness in reporting attitudes and in recalling past behaviour. Both of these may involve significant biases. Research has shown that many events are underreported by survey respondents, although clearly desirable activities like voting may be overreported. Other work has suggested the likelihood that 'non-attitudes' will be reported by many respondents. When these two are compounded, so that respondents are asked to recall previous attitudes or dispositions, the danger of misrepresentation is multiplied.

There are still a large number of local councils where the majority of the seats are not held by nominees of the political parties. It is important that we should try to understand the operation of the decision-making process in these authorites as well as in those in which the party groups dominate the council chamber. Non-partisan local authorites are generally to be found in the smaller district authorities (smaller in terms of population size, that is) and in the county councils serving predominantly rural areas.
Non-partisan political systems are concentrated in the smaller district authorities and the county councils serving rural areas, partly because, as Jeffrey Stanyer has pointed out, 'in order to vote on other than party lines, an elector must know something of the personal characteristics of the candidates' and he is more likely to have this information in a small community; and also because the difficulties of individual electioneering are greater in larger electoral areas. Of course, as the community grows larger, the local newspaper may attempt to provide relevant information. In large cities this is usually confined to brief and rather dry biographical information about the candidate and his civic activities.

This article examines the impact of prior voting behavior on future party identification using the CPS 1972-74-76 Panel Study. The probability of changed partisanship increases with the occurrence of defection among Republicans and Democrats, and with the occurrence of one-party voting among Independents. However, most partisan change is not preceded by nonreinforcing behavior. Several alternative models are offered which fit many of the remaining changers. The behavioral patterns that accompany the adoption of Independence are different from the patterns accompanying the adoption of partisanship in a manner confirming the notion of two dimensions in the party ID measure, partisanship and Independence.

This paper presents data on the social and political opinions of junior college students in Belize (British Honduras) prior to independence. The data are intended to give a preliminary indication of current patterns of conflict and consensus which can be used as a bench mark against which future development in Belizean political culture can be measured. The organization of the data has been based on theoretical considerations of political development and socialization in transitional societies.A major influence on political attitudes and partisanship is the impact of social identity. In the United States, a self-identification as a Republican or a Democrat usually carries connotations of a wider range of social characteristics. In fact, people often adopt the partisan identification most appropriate to their social situation. Once acquired, partisan attitudes tend to influence other political attitudes as people react to issues and events in a way that tends to support and justify their party choices (Dawson and Prewitt, 1969).

L'intervention directe et massive dans l'économie aussi bien du gouvernement fédéral que des gouvernements provinciaux, constitiie line partie importante de la scène politique canadienne. Malgré le fait que l'entreprise publique est, depuis longtemps, un instrument politique significatif il n'y eut, curieusement, que peu de recherches systématiques tournées vers l'explication du phénomène.Cette étude s'intéresse à l'impact de la partisannerie et de l'idéologie politique sur le développement des entreprises d'Etat provinciales. Le point de départ est une question: les gouvernements de gauche utilisent-ils l'entreprise d'Etat plus souvent et avec d'autres objectifs que les gouvernements d'autres tendances? Les résultats de cette étude soulèvent des liaisons intéressantes entre la politique et les moyens politiques. Les partis de gauche se servent des sociétés de la Couronne en tant qu'instruments politiques plus fréquemment que les autres tendances. Plus encore, il ne s'agit pas simplement d'une différence quantitative, mais surtout d'une différence quant aux objectifs et fonctions de ces entreprises.

Evidence supporting the Schlozman and Verba hypothesis that unemployment leads to abandonment of affiliation with the incumbent party is questioned in light of the Niemi et al. critique of partisan recall data. The 1974-1976 CPS National Election Panel provides more appropriate data for testing the hypothesis. Support for the hypothesis is not as strong as Schlozman and Verba's analysis would suggest. However, the panel data do lend some credence to the proposition that job loss will lead to erosion of political support for the incumbent party.