Suchergebnisse

How did the Amerindian and Maroon populations of a French Guyanese administrative district appropriate democratic institutions -- in particular, electoral institutions -- from the 1960s through the late 1990s? Voter participation and the development of partisan loyalties first took place thanks to mediators in contact with these populations via Catholic patronage (ecclesiastic personnel, charitable organization volunteers) and, subsequently, the patronage-based distribution of public goods (village "captains", electoral agents, locally elected representatives). Over the course of the 1980s, associational participation -- whether in the Amerindian movement or in local maroon associations -- allowed alternative spaces of politicization founded on the defense of group identity and group interest to be constructed. This new activist generation challenged the established Creole elites but remains marginalized in institutional political space, in particular due to social hierarchies inherited from the colonial period and reproduced after the territory was granted the status of an administrative departement. Adapted from the source document.

The judicial left, initiated in the early 1970s, is often a priori seen, because not analysed, as the work of young activists of the extreme left who, while beginning the mourning of their youth ideals, penetrate into the professional world. The creation of the SAF, in 1973, forces to break with this uniform point of view. This article is interested in the first two generations of the SAF: the communist founders and the lawyers of extreme left subscribing in the second half of the 1970s. Having brought to light the tensions between these generations of cause lawyers in the memberships and/or the diverse partisan orientations, the article shows how the daily coexistence in the profession and in the union in phase of establishment contributes to limit the intergenerational tensions. It puts making it relief the weight of the sociability and the professional constraints daily as the institutional politics in the dynamics of the intergenerational relations within a union. Adapted from the source document.

For a while considered as a potential target in the "war on terror," Yemen was soon designated the U.S.' partner in its ambitious security offensive triggered in the aftermath of 9/11. Although for a short time President Ali Abdallah Saleh managed to handle this unpopular alliance using skill & realism, he was unable to prevent his concessions to Washington from sparking popular protest. The excessive repression wielded against the radicalism of dissident Hussein al-Huthi & his partisans have created the most serious crisis the country has experienced since the civil war in 1994. Adapted from the source document.

Elected to the Baden parliament in January 1919 under the banner of the Deutsche Demokratische Partei, Marianne Weber experience of parliamentary work in a predominantly male parliament. In this article, the German sociologist describes the rituals and codes of a political world weaving complicity but also of demagogy and partisan opposition. Marianne Weber analyzes the modes of cooperation and decision, influence games and production process of legislation. She particularly stressed the importance of committee work as well as that of setting oneself at the scene during the plenary sessions. Finally, it evokes the challenges of feminisation of political staff who professionalized and, in this context, the conditions to advance the specific interests of women. Adapted from the source document.

To reveal the loving and sexual relations of the political activists seems, in many respects, delicate. The analysis of the types of conjugalities and sexualities allows nevertheless to bring to light a part generally ignored by the logics which preside over the partisan selection and over the political careers. This approach allows to demonstrate first of all that in spite of their commitment in favour of the equality of the rights, the nominations reward most of the time green activists of relatively stable heterosexual couples. It also allows to insist on the role of the makers of lists in the reaffirmation of the normative strength of the heterosexuality and the dominant conceptions of the virility and the seduction, which are, at EELV as in the whole of the political arena, always widely legitimized. Adapted from the source document.

Does presidential popularity depend more on economic context than media's coverage of economy? Starting from a survey of previous studies, we propose a model of economy's influence on popularity based on economic concerns and perceptions, media's coverage and real economic changes. We use it to estimate the popularity of Nicolas Sarkozy, and we show that economic information indirectly impacts popularity through subjective economic variables. Moreover, both partisan affiliation and 2008 economic crisis modify the factors of support. In conclusion, economic perceptions and concerns are more influenced by media's coverage than by economic changes. And presidential popularity fluctuations depend on this "impersonal influence". Adapted from the source document.

Following several months of violence, which claimed at least 3,000 lives, can Cote d'Ivoire finally look forward to a return to normality? This is anything but certain, since the new president Alassane Dramane Ouattara, known as "ADO", faces a wide range of complex tasks. Exacerbating the situation is the post-election struggle that dragged on for months. Declared winner of the presidential election in November 2010, Ouattara did not actually take office until May 21, 2011. The ensuing period saw a full-fledged civil war break out, with the country split between ADO's supporters and those loyal to the incumbent president, Laurent Gbagbo, who refused to admit defeat. Ouattara was only able to oust his rival with the military support of France and the UN. Despite the international community's pledge to support Cote d'Ivoire on the path to recovery, the road ahead will be rocky: will Gbagbo's partisans finally side with the victor? What fate lies in store for Ouattara's men who committed crimes during the post-election period? And how will the country rebuild its torn army? Adapted from the source document.

For more than twenty years Florence Haegel, research director at the Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques (FNSP) and professor in Sciences Po Paris, studied the French partisan right, more particularly Gaullist, about which it has already published a number of important contributions including in this review. Lacked a book summarizing the research path: it's done. The reader will not be disappointed, since molten Straight is not the juxtaposition of previously published texts. It is also an original book containing unpublished analyzes, which admittedly based on data accumulated over time in a discontinuous manner (a field survey in two federations with contrasting characteristics of the RPR, Yvelines and Gard, MADE 1999-2000 and resumed in 2011, a survey by questionnaires among a sample of participants in the congress of the UMP 2004 comparative quantitative analysis of presidential campaign speeches, interviews with leaders since 2002 ...) but light in a series of renewed questions. Adapted from the source document.