Suchergebnisse

Starting from an analysis of the relationship between cognitive variables (such as the "level of interest in politics") & evaluative-affective variables (in particular, individual evaluations of political leaders), this article explores the perception that different segments of the electorate had of Silvio Berlusconi & of his Center-Left opponent Francesco Rutelli. Focus is on the degree of popularity of the two candidates & voters' opinions of their personal & political qualities. These two aspects of the candidate evaluation process are taken into account in both relational & diachronic terms, the former with special attention to the concept of "coalition belonging" that applies the classic notion of partisanship to the new main cleavage in Italian electoral politics, & the latter monitoring the evolution of voters' attitudes toward the candidates & identifying four main effects of the electoral campaign: "polarization," "involvement gap," "vedette," & "disenchantment.". 19 Tables, 1 Figure, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article provides a systematic assessment of the Italian political transition through the results of three national elections, from 1994 to 2001, covering a wide variety of topics. In particular, the residual polarization assumed by the previous literature is found theoretically flawed & empirically disproved. The more recent center-periphery cleavage has evaporated with the demise of the Northern League. Far from being "winning," the political extremes are stable or losing; parties of the center, in turn, are declining at a faster pace than in comparable democracies, & their numbers are, by 2001, among the smallest, whereas they were the strongest 10 years ago. As a consequence, the Italian case shows the whole set of standard conditions for bipolar, centripetal competitions, though two problems remain: fragmentation, which might be cured with the electoral reform, but is not the main, nor the most deviant feature, of the present system; & a deep destructuration crisis, whose indicators distinguish more sharply the Italian parties from their European counterparts, & whose effects might be felt for a long time & significantly depress the system performance of the main political actors. 13 Tables, 55 References. Adapted from the source document.

During the last decade, political communication (particularly through TV) has become a key issue in Italian politics. It has been argued by politicians & observers that partisan bias in the broadcasts of the two major networks operating in the country has had a strong influence on the outcome of elections. This article presents evidence pertaining to this controversy collected in the course of the 2001 campaign. Analysis of archived data on TV programs shows that public network (Rai) & Mediaset channels differed in terms of the amount of "visibility" granted to the leaders of the two major electoral coalitions. Analysis of survey data from the archive of the Ispo Instit shows the existence of a fairly strong association between voting choices & viewing preferences for the various channels. In conclusion, the authors present alternative models of the linkages between selective exposure to different sources & political preferences. 6 Tables, 5 Figures, 28 References. Adapted from the source document.