Ideolosko samopozicioniranje na dimenziji lijevo - desno, stranacke preferencije i ideologija politickog totalitarizma
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 99-117
ISSN: 1332-4756
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In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 99-117
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Heft 4, S. 343-373
ISSN: 1845-6707
In: Politicka misao, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 111-134
In this article the traditional and modern elements of the identity of Serbs in Croatia are analysed. The author identifies the following key elements or markers of this identity: Christian Orthodox faith, use of Cyrillic alphabet, social and political preferences and values, concern for the status of their ethnic community, loyalty to specific organisations that represent their community, and memories of the Second World War, i.e. loyalty to Partisans. This article presents results of in-depth interviewing of a large number of ethnic Serbs from different regions of Croatia. The author concludes that following the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Serb identity in Croatia has been through an ambivalent process. On one hand, there is a process of re-traditionalisation and 'reviving of identity', which had been neglected in the times of Yugoslavia. On the other hand, due to the war of the 1990s, Serb ethnic community in Croatia has been significantly reduced, and there are new fears - especially of the trend of assimilation. Many Serbs have left Croatia and will not return. Thus, it is possible that the Serb community is facing disappearance. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 48, Heft 1, S. 7-38
How is law as both a set of standards of conduct and a way of reasoning related to politics, economy and culture? The approach to the problem taken in the paper is practical and instrumental rather than theoretical for its own sake. The aim is to appraise the subject-matter with a view of facilitating its change towards the basic values of the inquiry. Since the values are postulated by a stipulative definition of law, which implies relations of law to politics, economy and even culture, it may appear that the approach unduly trivializes rather than solves the problem. The approach may nonetheless be valid, if the stipulated definition of law is sufficiently integral, that is, inclusive. To that end the paper attempts to integrate into the stipulated definition of law three major philosophical traditions, which are still building blocks of -- and hence the keys to -- contemporary doctrines and cultures. In the classical (ontological) key (which is analysed in the first part of the paper) law is conceived of as a constituting and correcting aspect of the whole consisting of politics, economy, law and religion qua centerpiece of culture. In the modem (epistemological) key (analysed in the second part of the paper) ideas of law range from the conceptions that law is the constituent of modem social systems and hence an indispensable means of identifying modem social phenomena to the theories that law, as well as politics, economy and culture, is a phenomenon reducible to its natural causes. In the contemporary (linguistic) key (also in the second part) law, which is the constituent even of religion, can be understood only from within of the culture -- including politics and economy -- into which it is woven. The three traditions differ most markedly in their views of the contact between reason and action. In contrast to the classical tradition, which recognizes that reason can be action-guiding, reason and action are in the epistemological key separated by a logical gap, whereas in the linguistic key they are hardly distinguishable. The triple solution of the problem of inquiry increases both heuristic and practical potentials of the stipulated definition of law. By integrating diverse philosophical traditions, the definition is serviceable to the integrity of a pluralistic legal order, that is, to achieving the postulated basic values within the limits of the law. However, the approach taken in the paper, while more inclusive than more partisan approaches, is still merely an approach which is in the final analysis also partisan. Moreover, when seen from a culture that has not been integrated by the definition, the approach may be parochial or even inimical. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 47, Heft 4, S. 108-134
How is law as both a set of standards of conduct and a way of reasoning related to politics, economy and culture? The approach to the problem taken in the paper is practical and instrumental rather than theoretical for its own sake. The aim is to appraise the subject-matter with a view of facilitating its change towards the basic values of the inquiry. Since the values are postulated by a stipulative definition of law, which implies relations of law to politics, economy and even culture, it may appear that the approach unduly trivializes rather than solves the problem. The approach may nonetheless be valid, if the stipulated definition of law is sufficiently integral, that is, inclusive. To that end the paper attempts to integrate into the stipulated definition of law three major philosophical traditions, which are still building blocs of -- and hence the keys to -- contemporary doctrines and cultures. In the classical (ontological) key (which is analysed in the first part of the paper) law is conceived of as a constituting and correcting aspect of the whole consisting of politics, economy, law and religion qua centerpiece of culture. In the modern (epistemological) key (analysed in the second part of the paper) ideas of law range from the conceptions that law is the constituent of modern social systems and hence an indispensable means of identifying modern social phenomena to the theories that law, as well as politics, economy and culture, is a phenomenon reducible to its natural causes. In the contemporary (linguistic) key (also in the second part), law, which is the constituent even of religion, can be understood only from within of the culture -- including politics and economy -- into which it is woven. The three traditions differ most markedly in their views of the contact between reason and action. In contrast to the classical tradition, which recognizes that reason can be action guiding, reason and action are in the epistemological key separated by a logical gap, whereas in the linguistic key they are hardly distinguishable. The triple solution of the problem of inquiry increases both heuristic and practical potentials of the stipulated definition of law. By integrating diverse philosophical traditions, the definition is serviceable to the integrity of a pluralistic legal order, that is, to achieving the postulated basic values within limits of the law. However, the approach taken in the paper, while more inclusive than more partisan approaches, is still merely an approach, which is in the final analysis also partisan. Moreover, when seen from a culture that has not been integrated by the definition, the approach may be parochial or even inimical. Adapted from the source document.
In: Anali Hrvatskog Politološkog Društva: Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association, Band 7, S. 193-212
ISSN: 1845-6707
In: Politicka misao, Band 51, Heft 3, S. 123
The author discusses the position of the Scandinavian welfare state model in the Scandinavian partisan system and the electoral corps. He proceeds from the Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare states and shows how the Scandinavian model stands out from other countries by the principles of universality, solidarity and level of taxation and by insistence on full employment. Insights of historical institutionalism suggest a corporatist nature of decision-making in Scandinavia and a strong influence of interest groups formed due to the class splits. It is shown that the tripolar structure of the partisan system is characterized by stability and persistence. Research shows the parties' slight tendency to reduce the welfare state, but also the existence of ideological differences on the issue of liberalization. Attitudes of the electorate, on the other hand, show a stable support of the welfare state and an increase of skepticism toward a comprehensive state apparatus. An expansive welfare state seems to be the raison d'etre of Scandinavian politics. Adapted from the source document.
U ovom radu se na temelju podataka terenskih anketnih istraživanja iz 2015. i 2016. godine analizira odnos između povjerenja u političke i provedbene institucije s jedne strane te protekcionizma s druge strane. Točnije, u prvom dijelu teksta se nastoji prikazati kako je povjerenje u institucije, kao normativno očekivanje, konceptualno povezano s protekcionizmom. Uz to, temeljem faktorske analize, utvrđuje se protekcionistička dimenzija stavova te se prikazuje njena distribucija kroz posljednje desetljeće. Istodobno, u svojevrsnom istraživačkom predkoraku, rad analizira i socioekonomske te demografske determinante takve dimenzije stavova. Nakon toga, u središnjem djelu analize, prikazuje se negativna međusobna povezanost povjerenja u institucije i protekcionizma, pri čemu su efekti takvog utjecaja nešto izraženiji kod povjerenja u provedbene institucije. Osim toga, regresijski modeli pokazuju kako su, uz protekcionizam, najznačajnije nezavisne varijable koje ispituju razine autoritarnosti i socijalnog povjerenja. Također se prikazuje kakve efekte identifikacija sa strankom na vlasti ima na razine institucionalnog povjerenja. ; This paper analyzes the relationship between trust in political and implementing institutions on the one hand and protectionism on the other, based on field survey data from 2015 and 2016. Precisely, the first part of the text seeks to show how trust in institutions, as a normative expectation, is conceptually related to protectionism. In addition, based on factor analysis, the protectionist dimension of attitudes is shown and its distribution over the last decade is presented. At the same time, in a kind of research pre-step, the paper analyzes the socio-economic and demographic determinants of such a dimension of attitude. After that, in the central part of the analysis, the negative interrelationship between trust in institutions and protectionism is presented, with the effects of such influence being somewhat more pronounced in the case of trust in implementing institutions. In ...
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Predmet ove uporedne analize je istraţivanje sadrţaja i realizacije izbornih programa relevantnih političkih partija iz BiH, Srbije i Hrvatske u periodu od 2002 do 2012 godine. Analizom izbornih programa utvrĎeni su sadrţaji po relevantnosti, mjerljivosti, sektorskoj pripadnosti, obećanjima i usklaĎenosti sa javnim interesom, a istraţivanjem realizacije izbornih programa relevantnih vladajućih partija dobijeni su rezultati o ispunjavanju izbornih obećanja. TakoĎe, analiziran je partijski, izborni i politički kontekst i procesi, kako bi se rezultati ove analize doveli u vezu sa rezultatima analize sadrţaja i realizacije izbornih programa relevantnih političkih partija. Za ovo istraţivanje odabrani su izborni programi relevantnih političkih partija, koje su bile vodeće vladajuće i opozicione u prethodna tri izborna ciklusa, u tri susjedne drţave, koje imaju zajedničku drţavnu prošlost i druge sličnosti. UsklaĎenost izbornih programa sa javnim interesom i njihova realizacija su problem koji je direktno povezan sa izbornim legitimisanjem, zastupanjem javnog interesa, predstavničkom demokratijom, partokratskim i drugim sistemskim deformacijama i potrebom redefinisanja partijskog i drugih dijelova političkog sistema. Kriza izbornog legitimiteta i institucionalnog zastupanja graĎana polazi od partijskih izbornih programa, koji su nesuklaĎeni sa javnim interesom i koji se, kao takvi, nezadovoljavajuće realizuju, a manifestuje se kada partokratija zamijeni demokratiju, kada privatno-partijski nadvlada javni interes i kada, umjesto zastupanja javnog interesa u institucijama vlasti, postoji samo puko predstavljanje. NeusklaĎeni izborni programi sa javnim interesom i neispunjavanje izbornih obećanja su posljedica sistemske greške, čijim se otklanjanjem stvaraju uslovi za uspostavljanje i postojanje predstavničke i drugih oblika demokratije. ; Subject of this comparison analysis is research of contents and realization of electoral programs of relevant political parties from BiH, Serbia and Croatia in period from year 2002 to 2012. By analysis of electoral programs contents were determined by its relevance, measurability, sector belonging, promises and harmonization with public interest, and by research of realization of electoral programs of relevant ruling political parties results were acquired about fulfilment of electoral promises. Also, we have analyzed partisan, electoral and political context and processes, so we could correlate results of this analysis with results of content analysis and realization of electoral programs and relevant political parties. For this research we have selected electoral programs of relevant political parties which were prime ruling and opposition parties in previous three electoral cycles in three neighbouring countries and which have mutual state history and other similarities. Harmonization of electoral programs with public interest and its realization is a problem which is directly linked with electoral legitimacy, representing of public interest, representative democracy, partisan and other systematic anomalies and need for redefining partisan and other parts of political system. Crisis of political legitimacy and institutional representation of citizens derives from partisan electoral programs which are in disharmony with public interest and which are, as such, and not sufficiently realized, and it is manifested when partisanship replaces democracy, when private-partisan overcomes public interest and when, instead of representing public interest in institutions of authority, there is only mere or symbolic representation. Electoral programs which are not harmonized with public interest and lack of fulfilment of electoral promises is consequence of systematic error, and by its removal, conditions are created for establishing and existence of representative and other forms of democracy.
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Glavni je problem priopćenja vanjska politika Republike Hrvatske (RH) u vezi s Ustavom BiH jer nedovoljno pridonosi rješavanju društvenih, političkih, ekonomskih, kulturnih itd. slabosti Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) koje mogu i trebaju biti rješavane unutar prava. Ta je politika nedovoljno uspješna jer nije državna, nego strančarska. Matica politike je narodnjačka, tj. etnička. Alternativa zanemaruje činjenicu da je RH, kao stranka Daytonskoga mirovnog sporazuma, čiji je dio Ustav BiH, internacionalnim pravom ovlaštena zahtijevati od drugih stranaka, uključujući BiH, da poštuju i primijene Sporazum. Sporedni je problem priopćenja nedostatna znanstvena spoznaja glavnog problema. Posljedica je pomanjkanja interesa pravnih znanstvenika u RH i previda pravnih slabosti politike. Temeljna je svrha priopćenja priprema istraživačkog projekta unutar integralne pravne znanosti dopunjene izvornom pravnom dogmatikom i prilagođenom pravnopolitičkom analizom. Hipoteze, koje su dijelom ispitane, pripisuju politiku uvjetima te predviđaju razvoj problema ako se politika ne promijeni i ako se prromijeni u skladu s prijedlogom izloženim u priopćenju. ; The paper deals with the main problem of the Republic of Croatia's foreign policy on the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which fails to alleviate the social (political, economic, cultural, etc.) inadequacies of Bosnia and Herzegovina that can and ought to be solved within the limits of the law. It is of meagre success because it is a policy of political parties rather than of a nation-state. The mainstream policy is ethnicist. Its alternative ignores the fact that the Republic of Croatia, as a party to the Dayton Peace Agreement, whose part is the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is by international law entitled to demand other parties, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, to observe and change the Agreement. The subordinate problem is a paucity of knowledge provided by legal scholars in the Republic of Croatia about the main problem. The knowledge deficit is a consequence of the lack of interest in the policy and oversight of its legal ramifications. The principal goal of the paper is the preparation of a research-project within integral legal scholarship supplemented by original legal dogmatics and adjusted policy analysis. The principal hypotheses are that the past policy can be ascribed to Croatian institutions (legalistic order, ethnic state, parochial studies) and their environment (dependence on foreign powers, pre-political and pre-legal conditions of the Croatian population); and that the same policy, even in a stable environment, should be expected to facilitate threats to the very existence of Bosnia and Hercegovina and Bosnian Croats, thus greatly endangering the Republic of Croatia. On the assumption that the environment, as well as the institutions and doctrines improve, the paper proposes a state policy as an alternative to past partisanship, with a view of re-instituting Bosnia and Hercegovina as a functional nation-state, establishing local and cultural autonomy, and retaining the constitution-making power of each major ethnic community in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The expected consequences are the strengthening of Bosnia and Hercegovina, Bosnian Croats, and the Republic of Croatia, in line with the values and principles of the inquiry.
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