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This article analyses the two conflicting ideologies of Capitalism and Communism in John Steinbeck's In Dubious Battle (1936). Its aim is to study the socio-economic situation in the USA during the decade of the 1930s, known as the period of the Great Depression, to show the impact of the latter on the development of the above mentioned ideologies in this period of economic turmoil. In Dubious Battle describes the farmers' life during the 1930s and their struggle against the capitalists who deprived them of their basic rights. The events of the novel are based on Steinbeck's observations while he infiltrated in the strikes fought by the working class known also as the proletariat, and led by communist leaders against the capitalist practices of the employers or the Bourgeoisie. The analysis of the ideological conflict in In Dubious Battle reveals the strategies of the Communist Party, which has taken the cause of the downtrodden working class to displace Capitalism from the political ground.

Tadeusz Swietochowski, The Himmät party. Socialism and the national question in Russian Azerbaijan 1904-1920.
In 1904, a handful of young Azerbaijanis, mainly from among the intelligentsia, initiated propaganda activity directed at their countrymen. The group assumed the name Himmät after the title of the clandestine publication it issued in the Azerbaijani language. The target of its attack was not so much the system of capitalism as the Tsarist bureaucracy and the Moslem clergy. Under the Stolypin reaction, the Himmät came to face the harsh policy of repressions. In 1917 the reborn party, by far more Marxist than ten years ago, failed to recapture its following. It broke up in a manner mirroring the alignment within the Russian Social-Democracy in Transcaucasia. The Baku Himmâtists led by Nanmanov turned pro-Bolshevik, whereas in the provinces the general tendency was to follow the Mensheviks, dominant throughout the rest of the region and notably in Georgia. In 1919, the men linked in the past to the "Tiflis Centre" now labeled as the "Right", kept the name of the Azerbaijani Social-Democratic Party — Himmät. The "Left", which after the split began to call itself the Azerbaijani Communist Party — Himmät, accepted as its goal "power to the Soviets in Azerbaijan".

Why this title, borrowed from Sigmund Freud1, why about a delivery to Syllepse of an Empowerment Cahiers issue? The statement is not a pathological reading, but more symptomatic, that is to say a way — in the way assumed of a "wilful" use of psychanalytic lexics as practised in the history of the present time — of questioning a part of the contemporary French far left agency 2, between academic strategy (s), political reconfiguration (s) around post-colonialism issues; Marxism and its effective policy on the French scene, offering a "Race and capitalism" dossier coordinated by Félix Boggio Éwanjé-Épée and Stella Magliani-Belkacem. At the juncture of the activist and the appointed researcher, the file is as disconcerted as it fits into contemporary issues on the far left, which identify a movance that squarely evokes, apart from Syllepse, La Fabrique, La DecOpen, the Amsterdam editions, but also as a result of the recensions La Revue des Books, in the meantime, when politically speaking seems to be more limited to dialogue between the PIR (Party of Indigenes of the Republic) and the NPA, closely intertwined activists, at least until July 2012. Let us explain our position: Dissidences, both collective and reviewed, focused on the extreme left and revolutionary movements in favour of the French development of gender and post-colonial studies concomitant with the riots in 2005, research paradigms and political reflections intertwined, deeply within the NPA, shared by some activists (from groups such as Le socialism par en bas or international Socialism), partly grouped together in the GA (Antiapitalist Left), which joined the Left Front at the beginning of July 2012. In the present case, that work could not leave us indifferent, particularly since the comments made, the intellectual reinforcement of policy proposals backed by research fields that we regularly time, play a part in their examination of an alarming strangeness, so that we do not give rise to questions. Let's pick up the proposal, the expression refers ...

The Brazilian Workers' Party (PT) is an outstanding experience of a left-wing mass party. When it was born in 1980, many people wondered about its nature. In 2002, when Lula became the President of Brazil, this question did not deserve the same answer. The PT became bureaucratic, institutional and professional, experiencing a sort of accelerated Social-Democratization. As its starting point, this study takes the specificities of labour movement, trade unionism and the dictatorship (1964-1985) in Brazil. The PT originated in 1979-80 from mass social struggles around "authentic" trade unionists (such as Lula), left-wing Catholics, far-left activists, the left-wing intelligentsia and some "progressive" elected representatives. From the outset, the party established itself among the industrial working class, the tertiary sector (particularly the banking sector); in working-class neighbourhoods and some rural areas. The PT in the 1980s was militant, in the social and political opposition. After the 1989 presidential election narrowly missed by Lula, the PT changed: parliamentary opposition replaced the project of a clear social and political break; professional politicians left less room to the rank and file; opposing neo-liberalism took the place of anti-capitalism; its alliances increasingly broadened towards the centre. Until 2001, the PT opposed neoliberal policies. Yet the major turning point was to come with the 2002 presidential campaign. The party programme went through a gradual de-radicalization studied through 5 significant aspects of the Petista socialism. The study of contents and styles of 4 presidential campaigns from 1989 to 2002 completes these conclusions ; Le Parti des Travailleurs brésilien constitue une expérience marquante de construction d'un parti de gauche et de masse. Quand il nait en 1980, beaucoup se posent la question de sa nature. En 2002, quand Lula devient président du Brésil, cette question ne mérite sans doute plus la même réponse. Le PT s'est bureaucratisé, institutionnalisé et ...

The Brazilian Workers' Party (PT) is an outstanding experience of a left-wing mass party. When it was born in 1980, many people wondered about its nature. In 2002, when Lula became the President of Brazil, this question did not deserve the same answer. The PT became bureaucratic, institutional and professional, experiencing a sort of accelerated Social-Democratization. As its starting point, this study takes the specificities of labour movement, trade unionism and the dictatorship (1964-1985) in Brazil. The PT originated in 1979-80 from mass social struggles around "authentic" trade unionists (such as Lula), left-wing Catholics, far-left activists, the left-wing intelligentsia and some "progressive" elected representatives. From the outset, the party established itself among the industrial working class, the tertiary sector (particularly the banking sector); in working-class neighbourhoods and some rural areas. The PT in the 1980s was militant, in the social and political opposition. After the 1989 presidential election narrowly missed by Lula, the PT changed: parliamentary opposition replaced the project of a clear social and political break; professional politicians left less room to the rank and file; opposing neo-liberalism took the place of anti-capitalism; its alliances increasingly broadened towards the centre. Until 2001, the PT opposed neoliberal policies. Yet the major turning point was to come with the 2002 presidential campaign. The party programme went through a gradual de-radicalization studied through 5 significant aspects of the Petista socialism. The study of contents and styles of 4 presidential campaigns from 1989 to 2002 completes these conclusions ; Le Parti des Travailleurs brésilien constitue une expérience marquante de construction d'un parti de gauche et de masse. Quand il nait en 1980, beaucoup se posent la question de sa nature. En 2002, quand Lula devient président du Brésil, cette question ne mérite sans doute plus la même réponse. Le PT s'est bureaucratisé, institutionnalisé et professionnalisé. Il a connu une sorte de social-démocratisation accélérée. L'étude part des spécificités du mouvement ouvrier, du syndicalisme et de la dictature (1964-1985) au Brésil. Le PT nait en 1979-80, de grandes luttes sociales, autour des syndicalistes « authentiques » (dont Lula) ; de la gauche catholique ; de militants d'extrême gauche; de l'intelligentsia de gauche ; des élus « progressistes ». Dès ses débuts, le parti s'implante dans la classe ouvrière industrielle, le secteur tertiaire (banques en particulier), les quartiers populaires, et une partie des campagnes. Le PT des années 1980 est militant, dans l'opposition sociale et politique. Après l'élection présidentielle de 1989, ratée de peu par Lula, le PT change : l'opposition parlementaire remplace la rupture; des dirigeants professionnels laissent moins de place à la base militante ; l'antilibéralisme se substitue à l'anticapitalisme; les alliances s'étendent toujours plus au centre. Jusqu'à 2001, le PT reste opposé aux politiques néolibérales. Mais le grand tournant aura lieu avec la campagne présidentielle de 2002. Le programme du parti connait une « dé-radicalisation » progressive, étudiée à travers cinq aspects significatifs du socialisme pétiste. L'étude des contenus et des styles de 4 campagnes présidentielles, de 1989 à 2002, complète ces conclusions.

Local government and the party system in Egypt. After indicating that the 1952 Revolution restored the centralized State and a concentration of powers, the author States that the new rulers of Egypt can but rely on the former State apparatus when it comes to transforming society — social laws, land reforms, planning, social measures. That is why the history of local government is equivalent to a permanent clash with the one party System. Set up in 1960, the System subordinates local government to the national Union and, thereafter, to the Arabic Socialist Union, for the political power attempts to control the executive power at ail levels.
But the System, which is blocked by the omnipresence of the party and overlapping competencies among administrative bodies, has given rise to a "new class" in a context of bureaucracy and of "State capitalism". And the structural reform of governorates in 1971, following the party reform of 1968, has but contributed to strengthening administration since "local parliamentarism" does not work in favour of The Party. After the "economic opening", the "new class" looked after its consecration by the 1975 reform of local administration. Presented as a new step to democratization in Egypt, — local councils are elected through direct universal suffrage — this important reform mainly translates into reality, according to the author, the waning of The Party, the acknowledgement of local governments economic and social role, the predominance of the governor, and finally, the victory of local government over the Party.

François Bafoil, Adolf Hennecke or the foundations of German Democratic Republic.
In the process of sovietization of the political, social and economic life of the zone under Soviet occupation (SBZ) to which was to succeed in 1949 the GDR, the performance of the miner Hermecke is particularly significant. The objective was to demonstrate through his example the superiority of one mode of operational functioning (socialism) over the other (capitalism). This superiority was to be reflected not only by the organization of enterprises but also by its principal institutional actors (the Party and the Union). A particular behavior inspired by convictions and loyalty corresponding to the new collective form of ownership, yielded in compensation an increase of material and moral rewards for the person that acknowledged the merits of the new order. From this point of view, the record of the German Stakhanovist summarized the basic principles of the new regime.

American unions have been experiencing a decline for years. Many reasons can explain this process: repression, ruthless nineteenth-century capitalism and today's neoliberalism with its succession of relocations. However, American labor laws have constantly eroded the rights of workers. As a result, collective bargaining rights and union membership have been reduced to an unprecedented level. This situation is not only a problem for American unions but also for democracy. This article purports to analyze the various labor laws that have led to such a situation.

Socialists, Communists and the Protection of French Workers (1931-1932).
Claudine Pierre.
In 1931, the Socialist deputies in the French National Assembly propose a law to limit the number of foreigners in France, in order to slow unemployment and find a solution to the economic crisis.
A fraction of public opinion is shocked by this text, which feeds the already existent xenophobia. On behalf of the Communists, Jacques Doriot speaks out in the parliamentary assembly on November 20, 1931 ; he accuses the SFIO (SFIO, Societe francaise de F internationale ouvriere, the name that designated to French Socialist party from 1905-1971) of playing the nationalist game. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers Society (Societe des ouvriers polonais) writes to Leon Blum, worried to see the constitutive values of the French nation so openly flouted. Even so, the arguments opposing the proposed law are not without their own biases : the Communists squarely reject another proposai confirming the objective alliance between the SFIO and capitalism. The Polish organisation, politically moderate and supported by the employers, in the guise of a humanist attitude, tries to draw a distinction between "good foreigners" and "undesirables", whether they be French or not.
Certainly, as evidenced by their proposal, the Socialists do not escape the commonplace accusation that foreigners are the cause of unemployment. Nevertheless, in the proposed law, they also defend other, truly socialist arguments : the employers are responsible for the crisis of capitalism and of its social consequences ; to avoid future tragedies, the labour market must be tightly controlled and rationalised.
Finally, a law is passed on August 10, 1932 : of the original proposition, only the idea of quotas for foreign workers in companies is retained. Yet, by handling the question of "national preference" without much precaution, and mirroring nearly the entire political class, did the SFIO not play with fire, endangering the Republic ?

International audience ; Along with its growing economic power, China has developed and used economic levers to increase its political influence around the world. The use of its internal market as a political tool to bargain with developed countries, the recycling of its financial surplus and the signing of commercial partnerships to pursue national security objectives, all these economic levers have been used effectively by the Chinese authorities for geopolitical purposes. This efficiency was not only due to the authoritarian nature of the regime. The party-state has reformed itself too since the start of the opening and reform policy in 1978, and it was able to encourage players in the economic sphere to participate in national geopolitical objectives. Despite this efficiency, China faces also several obstacles in using its economic influence. Most stem from the nature of its political system and a perception of China as a new hegemonic power. ; Avec la montée en puissance de son économie, la Chine a développé et utilisé des leviers économiques pour augmenter son influence politique. De l'utilisation de son marché intérieur au recyclage de ses surplus financiers en passant par la signature de partenariats commerciaux, les autorités chinoises ont utilisé avec efficacité tous ces leviers économiques pour atteindre des objectifs géopolitiques. Cette efficacité n'a pas été uniquement liée au caractère autoritaire du régime. L'État-Parti s'est réformé depuis le lancement de la politique d'ouverture et de réformes en 1978 et a su encourager les acteurs de la sphère économique à participer à des objectifs géopolitiques nationaux. Malgré cette efficacité, la Chine se heurte aussi à toute une série d'obstacles dans l'utilisation de son influence économique. La plupart tiennent à la nature de son régime politique et à une perception de la Chine comme une nouvelle puissance hégémonique.