"In diesem Beitrag werden Ursprünge und Entwicklung der sozialdemokratischen Präferenz für die Liberalisierung der Unternehmenskontrolle diskutiert. Es wird gezeigt, dass die Vorliebe für Wettbewerbspolitik in den Bereich der vorstrategischen, fundamentalen Präferenzen fällt. Der organisierte Kapitalismus, hier verstanden als Begrenzung des Wettbewerbs durch Unternehmenskooperation und -koordination, Delegation von Entscheidungsbefugnissen an Kartelle oder Unternehmensnetzwerke und damit verbundene Durchdringung der Unternehmen mit über die Einzelwirtschaft hinausweisenden Perspektiven, hat sich in Deutschland etwa ab den 1880er-Jahren herausgebildet. Organisation durch Kartelle galt bereits in der Arbeiterbewegung des Kaiserreichs als reifste Form des Kapitalismus. Während der zweiten Hälfte der Weimarer Republik wurde kapitalistische Organisation durchweg als dem Konkurrenzkapitalismus überlegene, kapitalistische Anarchie durch sozialistische Prinzipien ergänzende, das Kapital zivilisierende Wirtschaftsform interpretiert. Der Nationalsozialismus löste einen eruptiven Präferenzwechsel in der Arbeiterbewegung aus. Nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs, vollendet durch die Godesberger und Düsseldorfer Programme, bildete sich die sozialdemokratische und gewerkschaftliche Präferenz für Wettbewerbspolitik heraus, in deren Tradition die liberale Haltung von SPD und Gewerkschaften während der Reformen der Unternehmenskontrolle der späten 1990erund frühen 2000er-Jahre stand." [Autorenreferat]
Im Unterschied zu vielen OECD-Ländern, in denen die Handlungsfähigkeit des Staates zu erschöpfen droht, erscheint der chinesische Staat erstaunlich flexibel, ökonomisch potent und politisch handlungsfähig. Wie realistisch ist diese Annahme? Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage werden wesentliche Dimensionen der Wirtschaftsregulierung in China untersucht, die diese im Zuge der kapitalistischen Modernisierung des Landes angenommen hat. Es wird dabei der Wandel der wirtschaftspolitischen Intervention mit einem Augenmerk auf die zentralstaatlichen Institutionen historisch rekonstruiert. Tatsächlich lässt sich dabei seit den 1990ern eine Zunahme der zentralstaatlichen Steuerungskapazitäten nachweisen. Sie gründet nicht zuletzt auf originären Grundlagen wie staatszentrierten Leitbildern, eigentümlichen Innovationspolitiken im "Schatten" der Hierarchie und dem fortwährenden Gewicht der Kommunistischen Partei. Insgesamt ist jedoch keine allumfassende Kontrollmacht festzustellen. Es existieren eine Reihe von Grenzen der politischen Steuerung im wettbewerbsgetriebenen System der "staatskapitalistischen" Regulierung.
After several landslide victories in the elections since 2002, Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been forming an unchallenged single party government in Turkey. There is a broad and controversial debate on the success and prospects of its societal project. Along with the rise of the 'Arab Spring' AKP is even being discussed as a role model party for a moderate Islam in a Muslim democracy. Far from agreeing with such assessments and based on a Gramscian theoretical approach, this article critically sheds light on the current political and social developments in Turkey on four exemplary fields: democratization process, economic adjustments, faith-based charity and education. As distinct from most Turkey-related research in Germany, which often sees AKP's power politics as the outcome of a cultural clash of antagonistic elites, this article examines the intertwined dynamics of gaining consent and exercising coercion in the process of capitalist domination. It stresses the contradictory nature of AKP's cross-culture- and cross-class-coalition, in order to provide a more complex understanding of how AKP's rule is still met with (comparatively broad) approval of different dominated groups and classes -- despite the enormous repression of critical voices. Adapted from the source document.
The quantitative study examines the causes, extent, and nature of anti-Semitism in the political left and shall lay the foundations for a quantitative analysis of anti-Semitism in the left-wing party 'DIE LINKE'. 187 questionnaires serve as the basis for this study. Anti-Semitism is measured as a criticism of Israel, which utilizes anti-Semitic resentments. Since anti-Semitic criticism of Israel correlates with anti-Jewish statements, the study's author argues for the recognition of anti-Semitic criticism of Israel as an existing form of anti-Semitism and not solely as a 'grey area' (Ulrich / Werner ZfP 58, 4). This particular form of anti-Semitism resembles anti-Judaism. The study's results favour and support Salzborn and Voigt's (ZfP 58, 3) assumption that anti-Semitism is primarily located within the anti-imperialist and orthodox-communist spectrum. Anti-Semitism is part of the Palestinian solidarity and also part of a shallow and 'nationalist' critique of capitalism. Only a minority of 12% qualify as anti-Israel anti-Semitics. Additionally, there are 19% who are unable to distinguish themselves from anti-Semitic sentiments. Adapted from the source document.
Erst nachdem die KPD-Führung Anfang der 30er Jahre akzeptiert hatte, dass es der NSDAP gelungen war "ja sogar z.T. Arbeiter um sich zu scharen" (Rote Fahne, 29.06.1930) und einen Wahlerfolg nach dem anderen zu feiern, begann sie sich widerwillig der neuen innenpolitischen Herausforderung zu stellen. Bis zuletzt wurde die Notwendigkeit, sich mit der NSDAP zu befassen, grundsätzlich in Frage gestellt. Galt die Ausrichtung des antifaschistischen Kampfes auf die Nationalsozialisten, da sie die Kräfte in Nebenkriegsschauplätzen vergeuden würden, doch als kontraproduktiv. Einzige Aufgabe des Faschismus sei es schließlich, dem bedrohten Kapitalismus eine populäre Massenbasis und schlagkräftige Söldnertruppe zu verschaffen. Während die Funktionäre der NSDAP zu Marionetten in den Händen des Großkapitals degradiert wurden, erklärte sich die KPD-Führung den Anschluss von sozial deklassierten Kleinbürgern und Arbeitern, von denen in wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten ganz selbstverständlich ihre Linksradikalisierung erwartet worden war, mit deren gezielter Verwirrung durch eine pseudosozialistische Propaganda. Obwohl die KPD-Führung davon überzeugt war, dass mit der Liquidierung der Puppenspieler zugleich auch das Problem des Nationalsozialismus gelöst werde, meinte sie nicht auf Teile der vermeintlich revolutionären Anhängerschaft der NSDAP verzichten zu können. Diese Gruppen, von deren sozialistischen Sehnsüchten sie fest überzeugt war, sollten durch sozialpolitische Aufklärung in die Reihen der einzigen Arbeiterpartei geführt werden, die die soziale Befreiung erkämpft. Um die Fehlgeleiteten erreichen zu können, wurde als propagandistisches Einfallstor die "nationale Frage" und insbesondere die lautstarke Verurteilung nationaler Abhängigkeiten gewählt, was zu einer opportunistischen Anknüpfung an den vermuteten Zeitgeist führte. Neben gewalttätigen Auseinandersetzungen ist die Umwerbung des Wähler- und Mitgliederpotentials der NSDAP, wie die zwei Seiten einer Medaille, ein unabdingbarer Bestandteil ein und desselben Konkurrenzkampfes, im Zuge dessen der politischer Gegner zersetzt und zugleich die eigene Partei gestärkt werden sollte. Ideales Zugpferd für dieses Unterfangen war der durch den Ulmer Reichswehrprozess bekannt gewordene ehemalige Offizier Richard Scheringer. Der nationalsozialistische Hochverräter wechselte während seiner Haftzeit spektakulär die Fronten und setzt sich nun offensiv für die KPD und die bolschewistische Revolution ein. Die KPD reizte, nicht zuletzt aus Mangel an vergleichbaren Fällen, den Frontwechsel Scheringers propagandistisch aus. Sie stilisierte ihn zum Symbol und beispielhaften Vorbild eines geläuterten nationalsozialistischen Dissidenten, der durch Aufklärung (und logisch folgender Einsicht) überzeugt worden war. Unter der Ägide des parteieigenen Nachrichtendienstes wurde in Scheringers Namen die Zeitschrift "Aufbruch" herausgegeben, in deren Redaktion alle bürgerlich-nationalistischen Dissidenten, über die die KPD verfügte, zusammengefasst wurden. Der "Aufbruch" unterhielt als einzige KPD-Organisation Diskussionszirkel in verschiedenen Städten ("Aufbruch-Arbeitskreise"), die die Kontaktaufnahme zu wechselwilligen Nationalisten und Nationalsozialisten erleichtern sollten. Ihre Hauptaufgabe aber war die nachrichtendienstliche Auswertung der spärlichen Kontakte ins entgegengesetzte politische Lager. Eingangs der Arbeit wird, aus dem Blickwinkel des Konkurrenzkampfes um das selbe Wähler- und Mitgliederpotential, die Wahrnehmung und Beurteilung des erneuten Aufstiegs der NSDAP durch die KPD-Führung sowie ihre Reaktionen und die daraus folgende Generallinie untersucht. Im Anschluss wird der "Fall Scheringer" als exemplarischer Modellfall für die praktische Umsetzung untersucht. Der dritte Abschnitt der Arbeit widmet sich dem "Aufbruch" und den dazugehörigen Arbeitskreisen. Als Initiator und Träger wird kurz der Nachrichtendienst der KPD beschrieben. Neben der Schilderung der Entwicklung konzentriert sich die Darstellung auf die Strukturen des "Aufbruch"-Projekts und die Arbeitsweisen der unmittelbar beteiligten Protagonisten. Eine Inhaltsanalyse des "Aufbruchs" schließt diese Arbeit ab. ; Only after the KPD leadership had accepted in the early 30s that the NSDAP had succeeded in winning even Workers and celebrated one election victory after another, the officials reluctantly approached the new domestic political challenge. But the need to deal with the Nazi Party was constantly called into question. Focusing the anti-fascist struggle on the NSDAP was considered as a side issue and therefor counterproductive. The KPD leadership was convinced that the sole task of fascism is to gain the threatened capitalism a popular mass base and powerful mercenaries. While officials of the NSDAP were downgraded to puppets in the hands of high finance, the KPD leadership had expected that the socially declassed petty bourgeois and workers would turn during an economic crisis to the radical left. Their annexation to the Nazi Party was explained with their confusion by pseudo-socialist propaganda. Although the KPD leadership was convinced that with the liquidation of the puppeteers the problem of Nazism would be generally resolved at the same time, the officials were still willing to win parts of the supposedly revolutionary supporters of the Nazi Party. These groups, by their socialist aspirations, the officials were still convinced, had to be guided by socio-political education in the ranks of the KPD, the single workers' party that fights for true social liberation. To reach the misguided the "national question" was chosen as propaganda gateway. In the course of this strategy the repeated vociferous condemnation of national dependencies was an opportunistic attempt to connect with the suspected zeitgeist. As regarded the two sides of the same coin, the courtship of the voters and members of the NSDAP is in addition to violent confrontation an indispensable part of the same competitive struggle. The KPD tried to decompose the political opponent and strengthen the own party at once. Ideal leading force for this endeavor was the former Reichswehr officer and NSDAP fellow-traveller Richard Scheringer, who became generally known through the Ulm Reichswehr process. Scheringer, who had tried to win other officers for Nazism and to manipulate the Reichswehr, was convicted for treason. During his detention he spectacularly changed his allegiance and supported abruptly the Communist Party and the Bolshevik Revolution. Not least due to lack of comparable cases, the communists' propaganda exhausted Scheringers change of front. He became a symbol and exemplary model of a purified Nazi dissident, who had been convinced through enlightenment (and logically following insight). Under the aegis of the party's own intelligence service the KPD published in Scheringers name the magazine "Aufbruch" [i.e. decampment or departure]. For the editorial department the KPD concentrated all bourgeois nationalist dissidents who followed the Communist Party. The "Aufbruch" also maintained discussion circles in different cities. Their official task was to facilitate contact to change-willing nationalists and National Socialists. Their main task, however, was the intelligence analysis of the scanty contacts to the opposite political camp. The dissertation is examining the perception and evaluation of the rise of the Nazi party by the KPD leadership from the perspective of competition for the same potential of voters and members. It also describes reactions of the communist officials and the consequent general line. In the following the "case Scheringer" is examined as an exemplary model for the practical implementation. The third section of the work is devoted to the "Aufbruch" and the related working groups. As the initiator and provider the intelligence service of the KPD is also described. Besides the description of the development this part is focused on the structures of the "Aufbruch" project and the working methods of the involved protagonists. A content analysis of the "Aufbruch" concludes this work.
Different from approaches to political parties with an affirmative stance towards capitalist domination, Marxist social theory claims to assess the role of parties within Bourgeois society from a critical perspective. Nevertheless, existing debates on political parties in capitalism suffer from a narrow focus on forms and functions. They tend to become functionalist and reductionist on class struggles instead of analyzing different relations of domination. Due to this shortcoming, it is necessary to develop a materialist understanding which takes into account some helpful insights from Gramsci's concept of political and societal party. His understanding of domination as hegemony provides us with rich analytical instruments: Now we can grasp more precisely to what extent parties play a crucial role in organizing consent within society and how they manage to do so. By critically assessing the Marxist debate on political parties and enriching it with a stronger focus on hegemony, I want to offer a more comprehensive conceptual framework which might be useful for empirical studies. Adapted from the source document.
The integration of European financial markets lags behind the integration of product & service markets with their quicker removal of trade barriers, & has suffered another setback with the adoption of the takeover directive in 2003/2004. The following analysis demonstrates that the removal of integration barriers is based on two cleavages: a party political conflict along the left-right axis & a distributional conflict between different national varieties of capitalism. The conflict between varieties of capitalism has greater explanatory power than the left-right conflict. The empirical chapter concentrates on the crucial vote on a comparatively liberal version of the takeover directive that took place in the European Parliament on July 4, 2001. It is argued that the creation of a single European financial market is unlikely -- at least in the short or mid term perspective. Tables, Figures, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.
The influence and power of some OECD states is under threat but China appears to remain astonishingly flexible, economically potent, and politically strong. How accurate is this view? To answer this question, major aspects of Chinese economic regulation that were adopted in the country's progress towards capitalist modernization are examined. The analysis requires a historical reconstruction of how China changed the way it intervenes economically and politically, especially with regard to the institutions of the central state. Such a reconstruction reveals that, since the 1990s, the central state has indeed increased its steering capacities. These capacities have a distinctive basis that includes acceptance of a state-centered approach, idiosyncratic innovation policies taking place in the 'shadow' of the state's hierarchy, and the ongoing influence of the communist party. An all-embracing controlling power is, however, not detectable. What does exist in China's competition-driven system of 'state-capitalist' regulation, is a set of limits on the state's capacity to govern. Adapted from the source document.
The Chinese economy has developed rapidly during the past 30 years and a market-oriented state capitalism has emerged. The policies of the Chinese party-state have led to concentrating effects both in -- and outside of China: Huge state-owned enterprises and conglomerates have emerged at the expense of smaller ones. With the support of state institutions, the remaining SOEs increasingly involve in overseas activities. Chinese outward foreign direct investment has grown considerably since the year 2000. This paper depicts China's capitalist development and illustrates underlying motives and effects of the "Go Global Strategy". Adapted from the source document.
The Front National (FN) was founded in 1972 on the initiative of a New Association, a fascist organisation made up of supporters of Marshal Pétain, former tortionaries of the Algerian war, Catholic leaders. led by Jean-Marie Le Pen. His daughter Marine Le Pen succeeded him in 2011. Thus, the NF came not from the labour movement but from the most reshareholder part of the bourgeoisie. It is a bourgeois party, he defends capitalism: "We do not call into question the market economy, nor the benefits of competition if it is fair." It is about "regaining competitiveness" and fighting "unfair international competition" (Marine Le Pen, Le Monde, 20 September 2012). Although this party is not strictly speaking a fascist party, in the sense that it claims to be part of parliamentary democracy, it is clearly part of this tradition. He defended a strong state serving the traditional small bourgeoisie weakened by competition. In this respect, he did not turn to the great bourgeoisie, but to the class of workers, while trying to dub them to win their votes. It is therefore against foreign nationals that the NF concentrates a large part of its offensive, in particular to divide workers by comparing workers of French nationality and immigrant workers through a national preference policy. ; Auf Initiative des Ordre Nouveau – einer faschistischen Organisation, die sich aus ParteigängerInnen des Marschall Pétain , früheren Folterern während des Algerien-Krieges und katholischer Würdenträger – wurde der Front National 1972 gegründet, mit Jean-Marie Le Pen an ihrer Spitze. Seine Tochter Marine Le Pen folgte ihm 2011. Die FN ist mithin nicht aus der Arbeiterbewegung, sondern aus der reaktionärsten Fraktion der Bourgeoisie entstanden. Es handelt sich um eine bürgerliche Partei, welche den Kapitalismus verteidigt: "Wir stellen weder die Marktwirtschaft noch die Wohltaten der Konkurrenz, sofern sie fair ist, infrage." Es geht darum, "die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit wieder zu erlangen" und gegen "unfaire internationale Konkurrenz" zu kämpfen, ...
In the 20 th century, different types of socialist societies failed - not only because of an evident lack of democracy, but also due to their economic inefficiency. Apart from the historical underdevelopment of Russia and other socialist countries, there could be given three main reasons for this inefficiency: 1) Based on the Leninist concepts of party and leadership, the socialist states were characterized by new social contradictions that led the majorities to a kind of silent resistance to central planning. 2) The socialist model of development and modernization didn't offer a real alternative to the economic paradigms in capitalism. Socialist countries turned out to be incomplete copies of fordist societies. 3) The socialist countries didn't find answers to some fundamental systemic problems of planning, as there are: decentralization of decision-making and scope for a self-determined reorganization of working processes. (Prokla/ FUB)
"The 'Landnahme'-Theory tries not only to explain the processes of privatization, deregulation and financialization of the economy since the crisis of the 1970s. Following Rosa Luxemburg's 'Accumulation of Capital' and Marx' remarks on 'primitive accumulation', David Harvey and Klaus Dörre develop a heuristic framework for the interpretation of capitalist dynamics and reproduction through economic crisis. This article reconstructs their theories, examines their empirical plausibility and questions gaps in the Political Economy of contemporary capitalism. Tom Strohschneider: DIE LINKE in crisis. After the fast ascent of the Linkspartei after the general elections 2005, there followed a period of stagnation that has continued until today. Since the general elections of 2009, die LINKE has been off the electoral winning track, internal conflicts over strategy and personnel characterize its image. However the party's weakness in it's 'third phase' cannot be explained merely by self-preoccupation and soul-searching. The erosion of the traditional social-democratic milieu brings less grist to the mill of DIE LINKE than it did before. In east Germany the problems associated with an elderly constituency make themselves clearly felt. Moreover the party is faced with an altered discursive context (Fukushima, 'enraged citizien' - Wutbürger, economic crisis) and has to face up to the constellation in which the SPD and the Greens form the center of force of a moderate opposition and the Piratenpartei succeeds with the promise of an alternative politics. The party's manifesto, which has been adopted at the end of October, admittedly proved the capacity of the competing currents within the party to compromise, but it is no answer to the questions of strategy and content the party will have to answer in the future, by itself." (author's abstract)
