Suchergebnisse

Este trabajo analiza las conductas político-económicas emprendidas por China posrreformas (1976-2015) a partir de la teoría y de la historia de los conceptos con base en Koselleck (2006) y Sartori (1970). La metodología fue cualitativa, enfocada en el análisis de contenido y en investigaciones bibliográfica y documental. Tal análisis sigue la evolución de los planos en el tiempo y su consecución vía planificación por medio de actos de habla y formalizados en políticas (policies). A partir de ahí, fue posible concluir que la innovación conceptual fue implementada de forma pragmática por la rpc (vía Partido Comunista Chino). Así, la rpc buscó el establecimiento de una relación amistosa entre Estado y mercado, inaugurando así un nuevo léxico en la economía política internacional contemporánea: la economía socialista de mercado. ; This paper analyzes the political-economic behavior of China in the post-reform era (1976-2015) from the perspective of theory and history of concepts, based on Koselleck (2006) and Sartori (1970). The methodology is qualitative, based on content analysis and bibliographical and documentary research. The analysis follows the evolution of the plans over time and their achievement by means of planning through speech acts and formalized policies. Following this, it is possible to conclude that conceptual innovation was implemented in a pragmatic way by the prc (through the Chinese Communist Party). Hence, the prc preferred a close relationship between state and market, thereby creating a new concept in contemporary international political economy: the socialist market economy. ; Este trabalho analisou as condutas político-econômicas empreendidas pela China pósreformas (1976-2015) a partir da teoria e da história dos conceitos com base em Koselleck (2006) e Sartori (1970). A metodologia foi qualitativa, baseada na análise de conteúdo e em pesquisas bibliográfica e documental. Tal análise atenta para a evolução dos Planos no tempo e sua consecução via planejamento por meio de atos de fala e formalizados em policies. A partir daí foi possível concluir que a inovação conceitual foi implementada de forma pragmática pela rpc (via Partido Comunista Chinês). Assim, a rpc buscou o estabelecimento de uma relação amistosa entre Estado e mercado, inaugurando assim um novo léxico na Economia Política Internacional contemporânea: a economia socialista de mercado.

This paper aims to discuss the socio-economic regimes that allow the realization of justice as fairness, focusing in particular on the two regimes pointed out by Rawls as capable of constituting a well-ordered society, the property-owning democracy (POD) on the one hand and liberal socialism on the other. To this end, we will first consider Rawls' arguments regarding socio-economic regimes within A theory of justice. Then, based on Justice as fairness: a restatement, the arguments in favor of POD and liberal socialism and against the other three options: laissez-faire capitalism, one-party state socialism, and the welfare state will be discussed. Next, the arguments in favor of either POD or liberal socialism will be considered, largely seeking to draw what the distinctions between the two regimes are, from those authors who seek to go beyond Rawls. At the end, it is concluded that within the limits of a theory of justice Rawls is correct in not defining who is the winning regime, the POD or liberal socialism, but in the current advance of liberal capitalism and its movement away from liberal democracies it shows necessary to discuss which is the most adequate regime from the bases provided by justice as fairness.

This article analyzes the journey of Clóvis Moura (1925-2003) during his intellectual and political training, namely: his youth in Salvador and Juazeiro (Bahia) in the 1940s. This period in the author's trajectory precedes his consecration as a Marxist historian and sociologist whose scholarship centered on the black insurrections in slave-based Brazil and to the fight against racism and capitalism in the post-abolition period. The article discusses a period in which literature and cultural activities in the sphere of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) had great relevance in Moura's social life, although History and Sociology already appear as themes of interest to him. The intellectual and political references in the author's correspondence during the period under study inform us about his choices, reveal elements of his social environment, and allow us to better understand the process of his intellectual production in later years. ; En este artículo analizaremos la trayectoria de Clóvis Moura en sus años de formación intelectual y política, a saber: la juventud en Salvador y Juazeiro (Bahia) en los años de 1940. Trata de una etapa del recorrido del autor que precede su consagración como historiador y sociólogo marxista que se dedicó a estudiar las insurrecciones negras en el Brasil esclavista y la lucha antirracismo y anticapitalismo post-abolición. Discutiremos un período en el que la literatura y las actividades culturales en ámbito del Partido Comunista de Brasil (PCB) son elementos relevantes, o centrales, en la vida social de Moura, aunque la historia y la sociología ya sean temas de su interés. Las referencias intelectuales y políticas presentes en la correspondencia del autor en ese período nos informan sobre sus elecciones, revelan elementos de su entorno social y nos permiten mejor comprender su producción en los años posteriores. ; Neste artigo analisaremos o percurso de Clóvis Moura (1925-2003) em seus anos de formação intelectual e política, a saber: a juventude em Salvador e Juazeiro da Bahia nos ...

O primeiro objetivo do trabalho é apresentar dados e o discurso dos coletivos universitários. Para tanto, foram realizadas dezesseis entrevistas qualitativas com todos os coletivos universitários da cidade de Teresina/PI, bem como análises das postagens de 170 coletivos universitários brasileiros com páginas na rede social digitalFacebook.Após a análise crítica desses dados, problematizam-se a autonomia e as novidades dos coletivos, por vezes reclamadas por eles, por vezes atribuídas pela literatura. Os resultados empíricos mostram um distanciamento discursivo dos coletivos em relação à política partidária e parlamentar. Para entender tais discursos, o trabalho retoma dados doLatinobarômetroacerca da confiança no Congresso e nos partidos entre jovens estudantes brasileiros. A fim de se entender o aumento da desconfiança na política estatal, foram retomadas reflexões acerca das consequências do capitalismo neoliberal. As reflexões apresentadas permitem avançar na compreensão dos discursos de jovens universitários envolvidos em organizações políticas, sem perder de vista a relação desses posicionamentos com contextos sociais e teóricos mais amplos. ; The first objective of this work is to present data and the discourse of university collectives. For such, sixteen qualitative interviews were carried out with all university collectives from the city of Teresina, state of Piauí, Brazil, as well as analyses of Facebook posts of 170 Brazilian university collectives. After critical analysis of these data, autonomy and novelty issues of these collectives were discussed, sometimes claimed by them, other times assigned to them by the literature. Empirical results show a discoursive distancing of collectives as regards parliamentary and party politics. For understanding such discourses, this work recalls data fromLatinobarómetroon the trust in the Congress and political parties among Brazilian young students. In order to understand the increase of distrust in state politics, reflections were made on the consequences of neoliberal capitalism. These allow us to move forward in comprehending the discourses of young university students involved in political organizations, not losing sight of these positions as regards broader social and theoretical contexts.