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Reports on four case studies of street vendors in Mexico City, focusing on their organizational potential & their relationship with the state, & arguing that this sector of the informal economy resulted from existing patterns of patronage. Four examples of competition for space between rival street vendor groups are described. Two cases involved conflict between well-established & officially unrecognized groups of vendors. In both situations, the less powerful group organized, found patrons, & achieved the right to sell on the street. The other cases involved internal conflicts in which rebel vendors tried to seize control from the established leader. In one case, the established leader was affiliated with Mexico's ruling party & the rebels with the opposition party, while the affiliations were reversed in the other case. Although city officials favored groups affiliated with the ruling party, the opposition-affiliated vendors were eventually successful, demonstrating the dynamics of co-optation. It is argued that the existence of many competing organizations creates multiple linkages between vendors & the state, increases local-level organization, & reduces the ability of the state to manipulate them. 26 References. J. Lindroth

AbstractThis study examines the economic behaviour of state‐owned enterprises in China with special emphasis on the role of the state's sole party as either an agent (management) or supervisor in the enterprises. It is found that with the construction of an incentive‐compatible compensation design and the Chinese Communist Party orchestrating an appropriate objective guideline for its members to follow, state or socialist capitalism could still achieve efficient economic performance. If party members did not behave prudently or pursued their personal interests instead of the state's overall welfare, there could be grave consequences, including corruption, nepotism or even the breakdown of the system.

THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1917 WAS ORIGINALLY CONCEIVED AS PART OF A TRANSITION TO SOCIALISM ON A GLOBAL SCALE. THE FAILURE OF THAT STRATEGY LED TO A FAR-REACHING DEBATE ABOUT THE MEANS BY WHICH A RELATIVELY BACKWARD SOVIET RUSSIA COULD ADVANCE BY ITSELF TO A COMMUNIST FUTURE. DURING THE GORBACHEV ERA, THE ISSUE WAS ADDRESSED IN TERMS OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF A HUMANE, DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM, SEEN AS PART OF A GLOBAL PROCESS; INDIVIDUAL SCHOLARS AND PUBLICISTS ADVANCED STILL FURTHER TOWARDS A SOCIALISM THAT WOULD EMBODY A MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM AND A VARIETY OF FORMS OF OWNERSHIP. INCREASINGLY, MORE RADICAL COMMENTATORS IDENTIFIED THE ORIGIN OF SOVIET DIFFICULTIES AS LENINISM ITSELF. THERE WAS, IN FACT, LITTLE POPULAR SUPPORT FOR A RETURN TO CAPITALISM; BUT THE EXPERIENCE OF SOVIET RULE SHOWED THAT THE AUTHORITIES IN THAT COUNTRY NEEDED THE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF THE WEST AS MUCH AS THEY NEEDED CAPITAL INVESTMENT.

THIS ARTICLE ARGUES THAT UNDER THE SEAGA ADMINISTRATION JAMAICA, A SMALL STATE, EXERCISED SIGNIFICANT INFLUENCE WITH A GREAT POWER. MOREOVER, JAMAICA'S FOREIGN POLICY DURING THIS PERIOD WAS NOT SIMPLY INTENDED TO CURRY FAVOR FOR THE UNITED STATES; IT WAS PRIMARILY DESIGNED WITH JAMAICA'S DOMESTIC POLITICS IN MIND.

Untersuchung der revolutionären Praxis in den vom FMLN kontrollierten Gebieten. Die dort entwickelten alternativen Strukturen werden vom Autor als Vorwegnahme des späteren Übergangs zum Sozialismus nach dem Sieg der Revolution interpretiert. Schon jetzt seien Ansätze einer sozialistischen Gesellschaft im Rahmen der politischen, ökonomischen und sozialen Beziehungen in den befreiten Zonen zu erkennen

1. A biographical view -- 2. Political concerns -- 3. Intellectual orientations -- 4. Politics as a vocation -- 5. Science as a vocation -- 6. Structures of power -- 7. Class, status, party -- 8. Bureaucracy -- 9. The sociology of charismatic authority -- 10. The meaning of discipline -- 11. The social psychology of the world religions -- 12. The Protestant sects and the spirit of capitalism -- 13. Religious rejections of the world and their directions -- 14. Capitalism and rural society in Germany -- 15. National character and the junkers -- 16. India : the Brahman and the castes -- 17. The Chinese literati.

Abstract: The world is witnessing a loss of faith in both capitalism and democracy, which seemed nearly unimaginable just a generation ago. Many blame "the other party." Others blame capitalism's flaws, as market systems increase inequality, which is inherently undemocratic—and believe the solution is to strengthen government control and weaken market forces in modern economies. This conclusion is incorrect: In fact, capitalism naturally reinforces democracy, but both are under attack by a decline in civic virtue, in the form of honesty and civility, in politics, the media, academia, and other institutions. The reestablishment of civic virtue should be our priority.

Analyses of the transition from state socialism to capitalism typically focus on political impediments and underestimate the economic obstacles to economic transformation. Based on a case study of the Soviel wood industry, we argue that there will be no economic transition so long as enterprises retain two historic features, namely anarchy in production and bargainig in external relations. Far from constituting a revolution, the withering away of the party state has exeggerated the pathologies of the old economic order. Barter has become more important, conglomerates have strengthened their monopoly and workers have greater controll of the shop floor. If there is a movement toward a market economy at all, it is toward a form of merchant capitalism that deepens economic underdevelopment and thwarts the rise of modern bourgeois capitalism.

The relationship between social movements & political democratization is examined in the case of the 1994 Zapatista uprising in Mexico. Prior to this uprising, the party system was not able to provide the space for major political reforms, because opposition parties were historically pulled into compromises or alliances with the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Revolutionary Institutional Party) & an authoritarian system survived. The Zapatista uprising evoked repressive practices against the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional (Zapatista Army for National Liberation [EZLN]) by the state. EZLN appeals engendered popular support for their demands for democracy & indigenous rights. This uprising served to expand democratic debate beyond the political society into civil society & cultural & economic realms. 59 References. M. Pflum

Progressivism has been growing in political power in recent years, with its believers becoming more vocal and prominent on the national stage. This volume discusses the roots of progressivism in the European Enlightenment and follows its history through the splitting of the U.S. Republican Party in the early 1900s to the re-emergence of progressive policies as a reaction to the Trump administration. The book also considers progressivism as a response to rapid modernization and unchecked capitalism, while explaining how progressive economic policies affect the national economy and how progressive social policies challenge established American values.

The quantitative study examines the causes, extent, and nature of anti-Semitism in the political left and shall lay the foundations for a quantitative analysis of anti-Semitism in the left-wing party 'DIE LINKE'. 187 questionnaires serve as the basis for this study. Anti-Semitism is measured as a criticism of Israel, which utilizes anti-Semitic resentments. Since anti-Semitic criticism of Israel correlates with anti-Jewish statements, the study's author argues for the recognition of anti-Semitic criticism of Israel as an existing form of anti-Semitism and not solely as a 'grey area' (Ulrich / Werner ZfP 58, 4). This particular form of anti-Semitism resembles anti-Judaism. The study's results favour and support Salzborn and Voigt's (ZfP 58, 3) assumption that anti-Semitism is primarily located within the anti-imperialist and orthodox-communist spectrum. Anti-Semitism is part of the Palestinian solidarity and also part of a shallow and 'nationalist' critique of capitalism. Only a minority of 12% qualify as anti-Israel anti-Semitics. Additionally, there are 19% who are unable to distinguish themselves from anti-Semitic sentiments. Adapted from the source document.