Political parties are often analysed on the basis of their public positions and their actions within the political institutions. But what about their internal organisation, the way in which they perceive themselves, the role they intend to perform in society? What can we learn from the interviews with the directors of their study centres published in the Policy journal? ; Les partis politiques sont souvent analysés à partir de leurs positions publiques et de leur action au sein des institutions politiques. Mais qu'en est-il de leur organisation interne, de la manière dont ils se conçoivent, de la fonction qu'ils entendent exercer au sein de la société ? Que peuvent nous apprendre à ce propos les entretiens avec les directeurs de leurs centres d'études publiés dans la revue Politique ?
This paper proposes an updated analysis of political party systems and how they have changed. Based on the observation of the current relative lack of interest in the concept of a party system, a reformulation of this issue is proposed, which distinguishes four dimensions for analysis. From this perspective, changes to party systems can be better understood in terms of both their historic development and as events related to the structure of the party system itself and its relationship with its environment. ; Cet article propose un état des lieux de l'analyse des systèmes partisans et de leur changement. À partir du constat d'un relatif désintérêt contemporain pour le concept de système partisan, une reformulation de cette problématique est proposée en distinguant quatre dimensions d'analyse. Dans ce cadre, le changement des systèmes partisans peut être mieux compris tant dans sa dimension de développement historique que comme événement lié à la structuration du système partisan lui-même et de sa relation avec son environnement.
This paper proposes an updated analysis of political party systems and how they have changed. Based on the observation of the current relative lack of interest in the concept of a party system, a reformulation of this issue is proposed, which distinguishes four dimensions for analysis. From this perspective, changes to party systems can be better understood in terms of both their historic development and as events related to the structure of the party system itself and its relationship with its environment. ; Cet article propose un état des lieux de l'analyse des systèmes partisans et de leur changement. À partir du constat d'un relatif désintérêt contemporain pour le concept de système partisan, une reformulation de cette problématique est proposée en distinguant quatre dimensions d'analyse. Dans ce cadre, le changement des systèmes partisans peut être mieux compris tant dans sa dimension de développement historique que comme événement lié à la structuration du système partisan lui-même et de sa relation avec son environnement.
The research undertaken in this thesis is situated in the global framework of the study of political parties in Chad. However, beyond the partisan experience, our argument underlines the very nature of the partisan antagonism. We defend the idea that the opposition poorly mobilises and manages its political resources. On one hand, the political offer that the opposition proposes is ideologically weak, unclear and less contrasted; and on the other hand, the opposition develops a inefficient and incoherent strategy to manage its political resources. Another major axis in our reflection in this thesis defends the idea the internal limits would not be sufficient to justify the powerlessness and inefficiency of the opposition. The party in power works to weaken the opposition in order to reinforce its hegemony. In effect, in the political competition with the MPS, the opposition is subject to a sort of inequitable exchange. As such, the party in power benefits from a comparative advantage due to its position, notably in its dominance of all the State apparatus and the absolute control which it exercises on the institutions of the Republic ; La recherche menée dans cette thèse se situe dans le cadre global de l'étude des partis politiques au Tchad. Mais, au-delà de l'expérience partisane, notre propos met en évidence la nature même de l'antagonisme partisan. Nous défendons l'idée que l'opposition mobilise et gère mal ses ressources politiques. D'une part, l'offre politique qu'elle propose est idéologiquement faible, peu claire et moins contrastée et, d'autre part, elle développe une stratégie inefficace et incohérente de gestion de ses ressources politiques. Un autre axe majeur de notre réflexion dans cette thèse, défend l'idée que les limites internes ne sauraient suffire à justifier l'impuissance et l'inefficacité de l'opposition. Le parti au pouvoir oeuvre, lui aussi, à affaiblir l'opposition pour ainsi conforter son hégémonie. En effet, dans la compétition politique avec le MPS, l'opposition subit une sorte ...
In June 1953, the Rosenberg case led in France to a public awareness campaign, carried out in particular by the left-wing political parties and by the press. The Communist Party takes the opportunity to stigmatise US justice. In Alsace, the press is loquely and the people are rife about the fate of Mr and Mrs Rosenberg. The brutal campaign led by the Communist Party, in the colours of a 'Rosenberg Defence Committee', is ultimately ineffective and unable to mobilise public opinion against political instrumentalisation. In fact, there is a strong concern not to endorse the efforts of a Party which, taking advantage of the real wave of indignation and emotion raised by the case, is above all concerned to rebuild its image in the region. ; En juin 1953, l'Affaire Rosenberg donne lieu en France à une campagne de sensibilisation de l'opinion publique, menée notamment par les partis politiques de gauche ainsi que par la presse. Le Parti Communiste se saisit de l'occasion pour stigmatiser la justice américaine. En Alsace, la presse se montre loquace, et la population s'émeut du sort des époux Rosenberg. La campagne bruyante menée par le Parti communiste, sous les couleurs d'un " comité de défense des Rosenberg ", se révèle in fine peu efficace et incapable de mobiliser une opinion publique réfractaire à toute instrumentalisation politique. En effet, prévaut le souci de ne surtout pas cautionner les efforts d'un Parti qui, profitant de la vague réelle d'indignation et d'émotion soulevée par l'affaire, est avant tout soucieux de redorer son image dans la région.
The chapter studies the transformations of party competition in Austria, France, the Netherlands, and Switzerland since the onset of the Great Recession. In particular, we study the fate of the Radical Populist Right (RPR) in these four countries that are typical examples of party systems with a strong radical right. The economic crisis calls into question the electoral strategy that RPR parties adopt when campaigning in times of crises. We hypothesize that the Great Recession reinforces the RPR strategic move of combining anti-immigration stances with welfare chauvinism ("the new winning formula"), rather than economic liberalism ("the winning formula"), taking into account the economic fears of their electorate. Studying the political dynamics unleashed by the crisis with original media data, the chapter shows that in France and the Netherlands, the government parties' widespread support for austerity measures coincided with the RPR moving from anti-immigration and pro-economic liberalism stances, to nativist welfare state protectionism. However, in Switzerland, we observe that the RPR remain strictly attached to the winning formula. Austria offers an interesting case, where the RPR embraced shortly (in one election) the welfare chauvinism position, but subsequently returned to its original position of anti-immigration and economic liberalism.
International audience Germany's internal geopolitics has been disrupted by the migratory flows of 2015. Previously, Chancellor Angela Merkel seemed unsinkable. Then, in October 2018, she had to give up the presidency of her political party and announce that she would not ask for the renewal of her chancellorship. To understand this reversal, we must decline the five acts of what we can call "the tragedy of Chancellor Merkel". ; La géopolitique interne de l'Allemagne s'est trouvée bouleversée suite aux flux migratoires de l'année 2015. Auparavant, la chancelière Angela Merkel semblait in-submersible. Puis, en octobre 2018, elle a dû renoncer à la présidence de son parti politique et annoncer qu'elle ne demanderait pas le renouvellement de son mandat de chancelière. Pour comprendre ce retournement, il faut décliner les cinq actes de ce que nous pouvons appeler « la tragédie de la chancelière Merkel ».
After Benkirane's departure in 2017, the PJD failed to find new leadership. The government crises have hampered the limited scope for action of a firm in prison of partisan battles, which had to confine itself to following royal initiatives. The relative inaction of the government executive confirmed the secondary role of political parties whose Moroccan people are mistreating and which are marginalised by an increasingly depoliticised technocracy (Bennani-Chraïbi, 2019). The 'field of loyalty' deepens the gap between the regime and sectors of society that are gradually losing hope for real change, especially among young people. Thus, in addition to institutional policy, there were voices against the political management of the country and the severe consequences for the population. Unlike the Arab Spring Common Front, the 2018 protests were characterised by their 'peripherisation', as well as by the diversification of the registers of the collective action repertoire. In the light of these events, we see two opposing trends: on the one hand, a political regime that is working to "depoliticise" the management of the country by de-escalating its political scope; and on the other, sectors of society, in particular the youngest ones, which use the channels of politicisation which is expressed outside the institutional framework by contesting and refraining from the political system. ; Après le départ de Benkirane en 2017, le PJD n¿a pas su trouver un nouveau leadership. Les crises gouvernementales ont entravé les possibilités d¿action ¿ pourtant limitées ¿ d¿un cabinet prisonnier des batailles partisanes et qui a dû se contenter de suivre les initiatives royales. La relative inaction de l¿exécutif gouvernemental a confirmé le rôle secondaire de partis politiques dont la population marocaine se méfie et qui sont marginalisés par une technocratie de plus en plus dépolitisée (Bennani-Chraïbi, 2019). Le « champ de la loyauté » approfondit le fossé entre le régime et des secteurs de la société qui perdent ...
International audience This article explores trajectories of eating vegetarian and non-vegetarian of people living in India by anchoring in a micro sociology of relationships with food and life course transitions. These trajectories, "in continuity" or "in rupture", thus depend on relationships with food (serene pleasure, anxious health, social) and biographical triggers. In fact, on the sidelines of the classic approaches which consider diet to be determined by caste or social class, or even sex, this reading grid looks at the reasons invoked by individuals who mention events, such as encounter, breakup, loss of a job, illness, involvement in a political party, age. All of these triggers modify the relationship with food, the body, and other individuals. The ruptures are mainly related to the social environment (through triggers called "exogenous" to the person) and to the change of stage in the life cycle (called "processual"). The recurrences in these accounts inform on how society regulates a life course and on new collective ways of considering social position such a biographisation of the life course. Indeed, and although these trajectories are following vegetarian and non-vegetarian models, the new "eggetarian" (egg eater) or "pescetarian" (fish eater) statuses are emerging as possible new identities, as well in the Indian society. ; Cet article explore les trajectoires alimentaires végétariennes et non-végétariennes, de personnes vivant en Inde, en s'ancrant dans une micro sociologie des rapports à l'alimentation et des transitions biographiques. Ces trajectoires alimentaires, « en continuité » ou « en rupture », dépendent de rapports à l'alimentation (plaisir serein, santé anxieux, social) et de déclencheurs biographiques. En marge des approches classiques qui considèrent l'alimentation comme déterminée par la caste ou la classe sociale, voire le sexe, cette grille de lecture s'intéresse aux motifs invoqués par les individus qui mentionnent des évènements, tels une rencontre, une rupture amoureuse, la ...
Christian Democratic parties are also central to the study of the history of European political parties and to the theory of political cleavances.The emergence of Christian Democratic parties in Western Europe marked a real transformation after the Second World War. However, neither the Italian Democrazia Cristianiaa-, the Swiss Christian Democratic Party (JDP), the Dutch CDA (Christen-Democratisch Appèl) nor the French MRP (People's Republican Movement) were able to remain in power as long as the Christian Democrats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The CDU/CSU (Christlich demokratische Union, Christlich-Soziale Union) represented an enthusiasm of the parties' particularly institutionalised and powerful political landscape. Five German Chancellors have belonged to the CDU/CSU since 1945 (Adenauer, Erhard, Kiesinger, Kohl, Merkel) and the Christian Democrats have been my dominant force in the federal government since 1949. Their influence on the foreign policy of the FRG through their attachment to both the American alliance and European integration, their ideological internal flexibility enabled them to join forces with all the yellowish parties in the Länder or federal states — except with the far right and the extreme left. The strength and stability of the CDU/CSU is all the more evident when compared to other European parties. Indeed, it can be said that neither the various Gaullists and post-gaullists parties in France, nor the Tories in the United Kingdom nor the US republican observe a level of partisan institutionalisation, electoral success and continuity of power since 1945 comparable to that of the CDU/CSU. ; Les partis démocrates-chrétiens représentent aussi un objet central pour l'étude del'histoire des partis politiques européens et pour la théorie des clivages politiques.L'apparition des partis démocrates-chrétiens en Europe de l'Ouest a marqué unetransformation réelle après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Mais ni la Democrazia Cristianiaitalienne, le Parti démocrate-chrétien suisse (PDC), le CDA ...
The question raised in this Communication is the place of the "political forum" (of political parties) in the framing of public policies. This question concerns two aspects which are being attempted to develop in parallel: the scale of the impact (strong, moderate, small, etc.) and the processes through which this impact is to take place. Our assumption is that the influence of the Political Forum depends on the pre-policy phase, i.e. agenda-setting: depending on the type of problem agenda, the impact will be different because the place of the political forum will be different from the other fora. We will therefore try to build a typology of agenda setup from the perspective of the political forum to try to understand and scale up the role of the policy forum on public policy-making. ; La question posée dans cette communication est celle de la place du "forum politique" (des partis politiques) dans la fonvulation des politiques publiques. Cette interrogation porte sur deux aspects que l'on va tenter de développer parallèlement : celui de l'ampleur de l'impact (fort, modéré, faible.) et celui des processus à travers lesquels cet impact va s'exercer. Notre hypothèse est que l'influence du forum politique dépend de la phase qui précède la formulation des politiques, à savoir la mise sur agenda : suivant le type de mise sur agenda du problème, l'impact sera différent parce que la place du forum politique sera différente par rapport aux autres forums. Nous allons donc tenter de construire une typologie de la mise sur agenda du point de vue de la place du forum politique pour tenter de comprendre et de graduer le rôle du forum politique sur l'élaboration des politiques publiques.
Many parties around the world have originated from trade unions or social movements, many social movements and associations are building complex links with parties. Despite their rich interaction, little academic work focused on the issue of relations between political parties and social movements as such. This article, based on the specific case of relations between the Democratic Revolutionary Party in Mexico and several social movements, proposes a method of analysis based on the study of the multi-engagement of certain leaders. Breaking the focus on organisations (social movement or partisan) and looking at multi-positioning leaders by looking at their long-term trajectories reveals the complexity and logic of the multiple exchanges between parties and social movements, depending on the episodes of the challenge. ; À travers le monde, de nombreux partis sont nés de syndicats ou de mouvements sociaux, de nombreux mouvements sociaux et des associations tissent des liens complexes avec des partis. Malgré la richesse de leurs interactions, peu de travaux universitaires se sont attachés à la question des relations entre partis politiques et mouvements sociaux en tant que telles. Cet article, à partir du cas spécifique des relations entre le Parti de la révolution démocratique au Mexique et plusieurs mouvements sociaux, propose une méthode d'analyse qui repose sur l'étude du multi-engagement de certains dirigeants. Rompre avec la démarche qui consiste à mettre l'accent sur les organisations (de mouvement social ou partisanes) et porter le regard sur les dirigeants multipositionnés en étudiant leurs trajectoires sur le long terme permet de dévoiler la complexité et les logiques des multiples échanges qui s'instaurent entre partis et mouvements sociaux et ce, en fonction des épisodes de la contestation.
National hearing Longtemps left behind by social sciences, political parties in the Arab world have been gaining renewed interest in recent years. Twenty years after a coordinated work by Pierre-Robert Baduel on the Maghreb in the Review of the Muslim World and the Mediterranean (1996), ten years after a issue led by Myriam Catusse in the same Mashreq journal (2006) it seems that the call for a renewal of the partisan approach has been heard. This edition of Mediterranean Confluences aims to present some of these recent work, some of which are still unprecedented, and, taking a comparative perspective, to explore with them the avenues they open with regard to political recompositions in the region. By bringing together its authors around the same subject, the same historical sequence and the same approach, the issue thus seeks to highlight the interest of the party both as a privileged place of observation of the socio-political transformations in the Arab world since 2011, and of supporters as actors in these recompositions. ; National audience Longtemps délaissés par les sciences sociales, les partis politiques dans le monde arabe suscitent depuis quelques années un regain d'intérêt. Vingt ans après un travail coordonné par Pierre-Robert Baduel sur le Maghreb dans la Revue des Mondes Musulmans et de la Méditerranée (1996), dix ans après un numéro dirigé par Myriam Catusse dans la même revue sur le Machrek (2006) il semble que l'appel à un renouveau de l'approche du fait partisan ait été entendu. Ce numéro de Confluences Méditerranée se propose de présenter quelques-uns de ces récents travaux, pour certains encore inédits, et, adoptant une perspective comparatiste, d'explorer avec eux les pistes qu'ils ouvrent quant aux recompositions politiques dans la région. En rassemblant ses auteurs autour d'un même objet, d'une même séquence historique, et d'une même approche, ce numéro entend ainsi souligner l'intérêt du parti à la fois comme lieu d'observation privilégié des transformations socio-politiques que connaît ...
International audience The Yellow Vests movement has aroused a debate on the democratic aspirations of citizens in France. This recent contextual element sheds light on scientific controversies concerning the sources of political disaffection in the citizens of contemporary societies. It is on these sources that we have conducted a qualitative survey using focus groups in 2014-2015. Reproducing parts of the research protocol developed by John Hibbing and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse (2002) in the United States in Stealth Democracy, we show that citizens' perceptions of democracy are highly dependent on their social class, levels of commitment, and political orientations. Although our focus groups show a deep dissatisfaction with the democratic system, as well as a severe criticism of elites and political parties, representative democracy appears as a permanent horizon to which the citizens resign themselves. ; Annexes électroniques de l'article : http://journals.openedition.org/sociologie/7972 Le mouvement des Gilets jaunes a été l'occasion d'ouvrir un débat, en France, sur les aspirations démocratiques des citoyens. Cet élément contextuel récent remet en lumière certaines controverses scientifiques concernant les ressorts de la désaffection des gouvernés vis-à-vis des institutions politiques dans les sociétés contemporaines, sur lesquelles nous avons conduit en 2014-2015 une enquête qualitative par focus groups. En reproduisant une partie du dispositif d'enquête mis au point par John Hibbing et Elizabeth Theiss-Morse (2002) aux États-Unis dans Stealth Democracy, nous montrons que les perceptions que les citoyens ont de la démocratie dépendent fortement de la classe sociale, du niveau d'engagement et des orientations politiques. S'il ressort de nos focus groups un profond mécontentement à l'encontre du système démocratique, ainsi qu'une critique sévère des élites et partis politiques, la démocratie représentative appara\ⁱt toutefois comme un horizon indépassable, auquel se résignent les citoyens.
This article aims to analyse how information flows in the press of evicted persons. From press releases from Landsmannschaften, BdV and political parties to travel stories from local associations and texts written by readers, the content of evictions' newspapers is rarely the work of those responsible for such publications. Within this media niche, which is away from the press aimed at the general public, interactions between the various titles are inevitable, and they are even desirable for a sector with a fragile economic base to live. A case study will show how the circulation of information enables both the quantitative enrichment of all publications, but also how it leads to a relentlessness of this press. ; International audience This article is aimed at analysing the circulation of the information flow in the press of expellees. From press releases of the Landsmannschaften, of the BdV or the political parties, over travel journals from local associations or texts from readers, content of journals is rarely written from the editors of newspapers. In this niche in the medias placed out of the mass medias, the interactions between the different titles are unavoidable, they are even desirable to support this economically weak sector. A case study will show how the circulation of information allows enrichment of the publications but also how if it leads to a retreat of this press section. ; This article aims to analyse how information flows in the press of evicted persons. From press releases from Landsmannschaften, BdV and political parties to travel stories from local associations and texts written by readers, the content of evictions' newspapers is rarely the work of those responsible for such publications. Within this media niche, which is away from the press aimed at the general public, interactions between the various titles are inevitable, and they are even desirable for a sector with a fragile economic base to live. A case study will show how the circulation of information enables both the quantitative ...
