Suchergebnisse

In recent years, the name of Ukraine is increasingly referred to the political and policy observers. These state the importance of Europe is increasing, as well as the oil import channel, both as a potential strategic partner. At the same time, Ukraine is increasing and the need for understanding the processes. In most cases, the current political instability in Ukraine interpreted according to the regional breakdown, or tranzitologijos point of view, sometimes destabilizing external influence, but the result is clear - the business of most of the time of paralyžuotas are competing for a government party blocks. As a result, has already been drafted and preišlaikiniai elections, but the situation does not show signs of pasikeitymų, at least in the short term. Ukraine operates many different factors determine the choice of political system, but to concentrate on one - the electoral system. Ukraine's electoral system is changed, even three times. 1994 was mažoritarinė, 1998 and 2002 - a semi-proportional, and in 2006 and 2007 - a fully proportional. Electoral system of selection and the evolution of Ukraine and the basis for this work. Extremeness of these solutions allows you to compare all three main types of electoral systems in one country, what the world would be almost impossible because of the electoral system is traditionally one of the sustainable elements of the political system it changes it made only in exceptional cases. Ukraine, the three electoral system was tested one after the other sekusiuose elections. It is clear what effect this had to be investigated in view of the above factors - the political system of novelty, the business sector in the regional and historical interest. But only the electoral system for all of this shifting of the real power of the parliamentary and electoral system, each reacts differently to these factors. This work attempts to verify the hypothesis that the choice of electoral systems, and often had to change their impact on the country's political system has developed. To check the need to review all the electoral systems used in Ukraine, the application period, and their use of the results, expressed through what is in the parliament. This will be tested in comparison with the standard results are obtained by observing the old democracies and their electoral and party systems

The article analyses the impact federalization processes may have on the dynamics of ethnic conflict in multiethnic democratic states. Parting from basic theoretical premises as regards the capacity of federalization principles to manage ethnoterritorial conflicts within multiethnic states, the Belgian and Spanish cases are chosen in order to explain the main theoretical contradiction, whether federative restructuring of a state contributes to reducing ethnic tensions, helps to mitigate divisions and fosters accommodation, or, on the contrary, provides ruling regional elites with relevant resources to fuel further disintegration. Both Belgium and Spain underwent a series of constitutional reforms pursuing the same objective to accommodate ethnic claims; however, while the Spanish solution of autonomous statutes proved to be successful in reducing the risk of state disintegration, the federalization of Belgium seems to have enhanced the cleavage. Among the main factors that contribute to system stabilization and national integration or make secession more likely, the following elements are analysed: constitutional and institutional mechanisms that are applied in specific sociopolitical contexts; type and degree of political autonomy granted to various groups; state-wide and subnational electoral and party systems and their interplay; historical experience of intergroup relations; evolution of ethnoterritorial identities.

The article analyses the impact federalization processes may have on the dynamics of ethnic conflict in multiethnic democratic states. Parting from basic theoretical premises as regards the capacity of federalization principles to manage ethnoterritorial conflicts within multiethnic states, the Belgian and Spanish cases are chosen in order to explain the main theoretical contradiction, whether federative restructuring of a state contributes to reducing ethnic tensions, helps to mitigate divisions and fosters accommodation, or, on the contrary, provides ruling regional elites with relevant resources to fuel further disintegration. Both Belgium and Spain underwent a series of constitutional reforms pursuing the same objective to accommodate ethnic claims; however, while the Spanish solution of autonomous statutes proved to be successful in reducing the risk of state disintegration, the federalization of Belgium seems to have enhanced the cleavage. Among the main factors that contribute to system stabilization and national integration or make secession more likely, the following elements are analysed: constitutional and institutional mechanisms that are applied in specific sociopolitical contexts; type and degree of political autonomy granted to various groups; state-wide and subnational electoral and party systems and their interplay; historical experience of intergroup relations; evolution of ethnoterritorial identities.

The article analyses the impact federalization processes may have on the dynamics of ethnic conflict in multiethnic democratic states. Parting from basic theoretical premises as regards the capacity of federalization principles to manage ethnoterritorial conflicts within multiethnic states, the Belgian and Spanish cases are chosen in order to explain the main theoretical contradiction, whether federative restructuring of a state contributes to reducing ethnic tensions, helps to mitigate divisions and fosters accommodation, or, on the contrary, provides ruling regional elites with relevant resources to fuel further disintegration. Both Belgium and Spain underwent a series of constitutional reforms pursuing the same objective to accommodate ethnic claims; however, while the Spanish solution of autonomous statutes proved to be successful in reducing the risk of state disintegration, the federalization of Belgium seems to have enhanced the cleavage. Among the main factors that contribute to system stabilization and national integration or make secession more likely, the following elements are analysed: constitutional and institutional mechanisms that are applied in specific sociopolitical contexts; type and degree of political autonomy granted to various groups; state-wide and subnational electoral and party systems and their interplay; historical experience of intergroup relations; evolution of ethnoterritorial identities.

The goal of paper is to put into focus and explain essential features of the political development in Lithuania during second post-communist decade by means of its comparison with the analogous processes in other Baltic States (Latvia and Estonia) and in those Central European countries with political systems which resemble most closely Lithuanian case (Poland and Hungary). In all these countries, second post-communist decade witnessed the rise of the new successful populist parties. The author argues that this populist rise is the proper context for the understanding of Rolandas Paksas' impeachment in Lithuania in 2003-2004. His Order and Justice party has to be classified together with the brothers Kaczynski's Law and Justice party and its even more radical allies in Poland, Viktor Orban's Fidesz and Gabor Vona's Jobbik in Hungary, Juhan Part's Res Publica in Estonia and Einars Repse's New Era in Latvia. While the rise of right-wing populism did not change the political system in the former bureaucratic authoritarian countries Estonia and Latvia, in Hungary and Poland the outcome was the breakup of the implicit ex-communist and anti-communist elite pact which was the foundation of the political stability in these former countries of national communism. Lithuania is unique in that the ex-communist and anti- communist elite pact was not abolished, but preserved and consolidated due to the collaboration of all, by this time, "established" and Left-of-centre populist parties during the impeachment proceedings. Adapted from the source document.

Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.

Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.

Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.

The relationship between money and politics and the regulation of the money role in politics have long become one of the most important and persistent questions of democratic government. Various countries in the world, including Lithuania, are trying to find the best political finance mechanisms to reduce political corruption related to political finance, and to ensure the transparency by engaging in public debate, and changing the legal regulation of political finance. This article analyzes political party finance, regulatory changes and its consequences in Lithuania, with particular emphasis on sources of funding restrictions, limitations reasons, arguments and possible consequences. The main aim of the article is to find out whether the permanent change of financing of political parties and regulatory prohibitions actually help or can help to ensure the transparency of political finance in Lithuania. First, the article provides an overview of the political finance systems. Second, the analysis of political party funding regulations in Lithuania, identifying the key stages of the regulatory changes and trends, is provided. Third, the article analyzes possible consequences of the current political party funding mechanism.

The relationship between money and politics and the regulation of the money role in politics have long become one of the most important and persistent questions of democratic government. Various countries in the world, including Lithuania, are trying to find the best political finance mechanisms to reduce political corruption related to political finance, and to ensure the transparency by engaging in public debate, and changing the legal regulation of political finance. This article analyzes political party finance, regulatory changes and its consequences in Lithuania, with particular emphasis on sources of funding restrictions, limitations reasons, arguments and possible consequences. The main aim of the article is to find out whether the permanent change of financing of political parties and regulatory prohibitions actually help or can help to ensure the transparency of political finance in Lithuania. First, the article provides an overview of the political finance systems. Second, the analysis of political party funding regulations in Lithuania, identifying the key stages of the regulatory changes and trends, is provided. Third, the article analyzes possible consequences of the current political party funding mechanism.

The relationship between money and politics and the regulation of the money role in politics have long become one of the most important and persistent questions of democratic government. Various countries in the world, including Lithuania, are trying to find the best political finance mechanisms to reduce political corruption related to political finance, and to ensure the transparency by engaging in public debate, and changing the legal regulation of political finance. This article analyzes political party finance, regulatory changes and its consequences in Lithuania, with particular emphasis on sources of funding restrictions, limitations reasons, arguments and possible consequences. The main aim of the article is to find out whether the permanent change of financing of political parties and regulatory prohibitions actually help or can help to ensure the transparency of political finance in Lithuania. First, the article provides an overview of the political finance systems. Second, the analysis of political party funding regulations in Lithuania, identifying the key stages of the regulatory changes and trends, is provided. Third, the article analyzes possible consequences of the current political party funding mechanism.

European Union development is the process of involving new members into EU, which takes the preparation and appropriate adaptility to bigger country member rating. At the very beginning the development wasn't understood as specific trend of politics, but as extend of incorporated economical space. Therefore the membership creteria wasn't at the focus of attention during first years of development. The only condition for countries was to take over already cordinated marked instructions. Though the part of political development process stood out during the south way-station. The acceptance of these countries means the stabilization of political systems. Countries faced just to political and economical problems. After the Cold War EU struggled free the communist party and proved not only the partnership of in the Middle and East Europe but also the unambiguous political purpose. The membership to the countries from Middle and East Europe was so important that they were ready to revise the Constitution themselves, rewrite the law, reform market supervision rules, establish institutions against corruption and implement other economical, juridical or social reforms presented by EU. Vesting the membership prospects to countries memebers EU requires prosecuting specific membership criteria. Successful development of Middle and East Europe influenced the EU decision to adjust this experience to West Balkans. They can become the member as soon as they implemement conditions.

The most important task of this notice is to reveal what allows to approve or to deny the existence or absence of democracy as political-social phenomena. While looking for a solution more attention was paid to such political processes as a electoral system and rule system in order to reveal their relation with implementation of democracy and the degree of this implementation. This notice will convince us that the historical basis of democracy is association as civil community where the decisions are made by the members of this association who are equal to each other among themselves. What is more, those chapters where electoral and rule systems are discussed show that the way how the the rule apparatus is ordered has a lot of influence to any political regime, in our case to democracy. That means, for example, that the majority electoral system is efficient and covers up the criterions of democracy only in those states where two-party system is predominant or, for example, that it is impossible to imagine undisciplined parties that rule efficient and in democratic way in parlametary state. More over, the aim of the last chapter was to get readers familiar with cosmopolitan model of democracy and with the global degree of democracy, further more, to reveal the lookouts of democracy development and means that are the most suitable to implement that development.

A. Farazmand identifies three approaches towards relationship between politicians and bureaucrats in contemporary academic discussion. The first approach holds the idea of total control of bureaucracy by elected politicians. The second approach rejects dichotomy of politics-administration, and speaks for the twofold role of bureaucracy, both political and administrative. The third approach treats the high level bureaucrats as possessing certain autonomy vis-à-vis politicians. The aim of the article is to demonstrate that already the early researchers of relationship between politicians and bureaucrats provided different explanation of their roles. In order to ensure effectiveness of public administration, W. Wilson separated administration and politics. M. Weber showed the dark side of administrative effectiveness – bureaucratization of public life, which can be controlled only by charismatic political leadership. J. Schumpeter pointed to the negative side of competition among such charismatic leaders, that is, decrease of administrative effectiveness. Therefore, he claimed that democratic government has to rely upon professional bureaucracy, which is sufficiently strong and independent. The article proposes a twofold explanation of these divergent approaches. First, it can be explained by variety of parliamentary systems, which is determined by differing executive-legislative linkage. On of the extreme cases of such linkage is premiership of cabinet system, where the executive power dominates vis-à-vis parliament. Such case could explain the approach (by M. Weber), according to which charismatic political leaders, who proved their capabilities during the party competition, could and should rule the systems of bureaucratic administration. Another extreme case – the French type assembly government – could explain the approach (by J. Schumpeter) that bureaucracy should be strong and independent, which could advice or even prescribe politicians, engaged into competition, which forces to care not about the effectiveness of state administration but the political value of administrative decisions. Second, the explanation of different approaches concerning the role of politicians and bureaucrats may by related to the fact that societies seek to have both politically responsive and professionally responsible bureaucracy. The aim of politically responsive bureaucracy rests on the understanding of the importance of political leadership in liberal democracies and its relationship with the state bureaucracy. This aim is expressed by M. Weber. Another aim comes from the understanding that implementation of public policy, formulated by politicians, depends on the professionalism of bureaucracy and its responsibility. This aim is articulated by J. Schumpeter.