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This article argues that the Left Party now is back where it once started, as a typical left-socialist party. The communist era has definitely been put to an end. Hence it is misplaced to attack the Left Party for having difficulties to adhere to the ideals of democracy. The problem is not that the party does not embrace democracy as a principle. On the contrary, the party may rather be seen as ultra democratic. The Left Party does however have an ambivalent attitude towards democracy, but it is then its practical side that causes problems. During its long communist period, no one invited the party to parliamentary power positions. The party is not used to deal with political power & has adapted to this subordinated position in Swedish politics. But the only way to remain clean is to stay outside. In September 2010 the Swedish people will decide if this is possible. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the question whether there has been a change of organizational culture within the Swedish Liberal Party. The empirical basis of the study is a comparison between the party culture as we know it from previous research, & the culture as expressed in speeches by the newly installed party leader at the party congress where he was elected. The problem is analyzed using anthropological concepts of culture and ritual, the theoretical point of departure being that the party congress constitutes one of the most important rituals in a party, & as such is used by the party to demonstrate its own culture. The conclusion is that no cultural change has taken place, & that the Liberal Party's culture of nuance & skepticism appears to be a solid one. Adapted from the source document.

The formation of a green party in Sweden, "Miljopartiet De Grona", in 1981, can be explained as a result of the established party system's failure to handle a change of zeitgeist in an ecological direction, & most of all the political trauma arising from the focal point of Swedish environmental protest, the popular referendum on Nuclear Power 1980. Initially, Miljopartiet De Grona originally was organized as an alternative, non-hierarchical party, without a distinct party leadership & an with an ultrademocratic ideal. The party failed to achieve the 4 percent necessary to enter parliament in the elections of 1982 & 1985, but in 1988 it finally established itself in the Swedish Riksdag. Since then, Miljopartiet has step by step changed in the direction of a more "normal" political party. In 2002 they were allowed as a semi-coalition partner of the Social Democrats & the formerly communist Left Party. Still eager to be an alternative party, Miljopartiet will, perhaps, enter a red-green government after the election in autumn 2010. If so, they have in 30 years managed to move from "alternative exclusion" to what may be labeled "included alternativism.". Adapted from the source document.

The purpose of this article is to study how Sweden's political parties handled the process of constitutional review from 2004-2008. In particular the analysis examines how parties choose between their office-seeking, policy-seeking and vote-seeking goals and the desire to maintain ultra party agreement. Three expectations are identified: (a) parties' different strategic situations lead them to advocate different long-term goals; (b) different parts' levels will take different stands in order to increase their influence vis-a-vis other levels: (c) party leaderships will try to increase their freedom to negotiate with others by avoiding extensive intra party debates or decisions. The study is based on 30 interviews with representatives closely involved in the constitutional-reform process. The conclusion is that parties have self-interested goals as regards the question of how the political game should be regulated. The conflict between different intra-party levels is also obvious. However, due to party members' disinterest in the constitutional review, party leaders did not need to adopt a variety of strategies to avoid a large scale intra-part debate, It was enough for them to claim that the resulting compromise was actually something of a victory' for each party. Adapted from the source document.

The paper argues that the Swedish 'neo-liberal' party (Moderaterna) has adapted its policies because of the popularity of the 'universal' Swedish welfare state. The party has come to accept that the modern welfare state is irreplaceable. We furthermore argue that the party's moderate electoral platform in 2006 is earnest. In the "short run" the party can only hope to achieve incremental changes & it recognizes this. Simultaneously however, the party in the "long run" wants to gradually change society. Over time the party in its rhetoric & ideological statements has emphasized the short & the long run differently. These differences between the 'neo-liberal' 1980s & 2006 should not conceal that the mechanism of welfare popularity largely remains the same. The party's actual policy proposals tend to suggest incremental changes only in both periods. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, ideological tranformations within the Swedish Christian Democratic party throughout the past years is analyzed. This is done in comparison with previous research on the ideological character of the party from the 1960's to the early 2000's. The party's ideology is analyzed with a two dimensional model, i.e., universalism -- particularism & confessionalism -- secularism. These two dimensions are derived from the ideological debate within the Dutch CDA during the 1990's, a party that has operated in a similar context as the Swedish Christian Democrats have. Based on the two dimensions speeches & op-ed articles by the party leadership is analyzed. The conclusion is that the Swedish Christian Democrats has moved from a position of a strong Christian inspiration to a more secular direction, & that the party also has moved from strong universal beliefs to less universal & more particularistic beliefs. Adapted from the source document.

The Swedish Social Democrats' coalition with the Left Party & the Green Party seems to be a departure from the party's unique position in Swedish politics. This article analyzes the Social Democrats' transformation from a minority ruling party to a coalition-forming party among others. If the transformation implies a substantial strategic shift, what is then behind it? The change is smaller than it might seem -- the coalition idea is far from new. The option has been considered before, but has for various reasons not been realized. The change of strategy can be explained as a tactical response to new circumstances, rather than as the result of drastic rethinking. Adapted from the source document.

The article investigates the conception of social justice endorsed by the Swedish Green party. It is argued that the prime mover in the realisation of the party's vision of social justice is the introduction of a universal basic income, a reform that has been advocated by the party since 2001. The conception of justice implied by the party's version of a basic income is best understood against the backdrop of the ideas of social justice of the contemporary Brian Barry. Just as Barry, the Green party embraces a basic income out of concern for the safety of the least well off groups in society and out of concern for equality of opportunity. For both Barry & the Swedish Green Party, moreover, the latter ideal not only implicates justice for all inhabitants in society, but also justice in global & intergenerational terms. References. Adapted from the source document.

In 1973, the Swedish Centre party managed to attract 25.1 per cent of the votes in that year's election. A quarter of a century later the once agrarian party hovered precariously close to the four per cent election threshold. During the long & unbroken decline, the party was a member of the center-right bloc -- yet was intermittently drawn to the Social Democrats. Throughout, it retained a strong focus on countryside, agrarian & environmental issues (with a particular emphasis on the decommissioning of nuclear power plants). By the late 1990s it was clear that the party's electoral strategy needed an urgent & comprehensive overhaul. In this effort we analyze this overhaul (including a rejection of left-leaning tendencies); its structural antecedents; its intrinsic success potential; & its, & the party's, future prospects. Adapted from the source document.

What are the causes for political party membership? And why do some members take a further step and candidate for political parties in local parliament elections? We evaluate these questions using a Swedish survey of local politicians. The article reports three main findings. First, the results do not support that social status, career ambitions and material rewards are causes behind participation in political parties. Rather, sense of civic duty has a strong impact. Second, many representatives refer to the fact that they were recruited as a main factor influencing their participation. Third, our results show that active local party members describe themselves as 'reluctantly active altruists', driven by civic duty and recruited by others. A minority became active by their own initiative, and a majority got involved in party politics after being recruited. Adapted from the source document.