Suchergebnisse

2019 will be significant for the Russian party system. First, near 30 years ago, Article 6 of the USSR Constitution was abolished, formally creating the basis for a modern Russian multi-party system. Secondly, next year ends the 7-year period for new political parties, formed on the basis of changes in the Law on Political Parties of 2012 to become active political actors. All parties that do not conduct political activities and have not even formally participated in the elections will be eliminated. In this connection, there is a need to evaluate the past period, to answer the interrelated questions: in what state is the Russian party system? What is its configuration? Will it affect the elimination of some of the parties? The answers to them will be part of a broader, more permanent discussion about the role and place of parties in the Russian political system. The state of the Russian parties will be analyzed in the context of world trends of "party change", the transformation of forms, functions and methods of activity of political parties, their models in the semantic space of Russian politics, and the arrangement of party political forces. Particular attention will be paid to the personnel potential and peculiarities of functioning of the Russian parties at the regional level, because it serves as a criterion for assessing the activities of parties and the formation of electoral preferences for the majority of citizens. In addition, internal processes taking place in Russian parties, especially those formed after 2012 are most noticeable in the regions. In aggregate, the data presented will make it possible to identify trends in the development of the party system of the Russian Federation in the short term.

The article is devoted to ideological issues in the Turkish party system in the context of the electoral process. The authors analyze the internal content and principles of ideological platforms of the leading parties in Turkey. The formal analysis of party programs allowed to determine the value of the ideology for the functioning of the parties. Besides, analysis of the results of opinion polls conducted by the Turkish public opinion research centers revealed the functionality of ideology in the context of election campaigns. The object of the study was the ideologies of 4 major political parties of Turkey, which entered National Parliament after elections in November 2015. These are conservative Justice and Development Party, the center-left Republican People's Party, the National Movement Party, the Democratic Party of peoples. Analysis of party programs and other official documents showed that all four parties clearly define their ideological identity and political position. However, despite the clarity of such ideological identification, analysis of the last two election campaigns in Turkey revealed a trend among major parties to refuse from the traditional ideological rhetoric and to practice populist methods of voters attracting. The paper discloses the contents of the political stratification of Turkish society, depending on the ideological preferences of representatives of various social groups. Causative factors of ideological discourse rise are considered in the context of inter-party competition of leading political forces of the Turkish Republic. A comparative analysis shows that the Republican People's Party and the Nationalist Movement Party are both doctrinal with distinct ideological postulates that have a national base. In contrast, the Justice and Development Party, as well as the People's Democratic Party are more pragmatic and charismatic at the same time. (author's abstract)

In 1917, the Bolsheviks promised the liberation of the working masses from exploitation. And yet, within twenty years, they had delivered a regime that was substantially more exploitative and repressive than that of the Tsarist regime they had overthrown. This article argues that more than a quarter of a century after the opening of the archives, we still misapprehend how it happened. Historians tend to see the process as programmatic, or planned and intentional: that the Bolsheviks were authoritarian by nature, or that Stalin hijacked the Revolution and satisfied his lust for power by building a personal dictatorship. The articleargues that we have failed to grasp the extent to which the positive programme of liberation continued to motivate the Bolshevik leadership throughout the interwar period. But they had underestimated the obstacles to creating a consensual, participatory political order. Considerable progress was made overcoming basic illiteracy, but it was another matter altogether to establish a functioning administrative apparatus, to fight and win the civil war, and to rebuild a shatteredeconomy. The breakdown of liberal ("bourgeois") democracies in Europe encouraged complacency about the superiority of the "transitional" proletarian dictatorship. The struggle for power after Lenin's death turned local organisations against inner party democracy. It did not seem appropriate to revive it either in the midst of collectivisation and rapid industrialisation. The survival of the Revolution and catching up to the advanced capitalist countries took precedence. But if we treat extreme political violence and dictatorship as ends in themselves, we will fail adequately to grasp the fate of the Revolution. ; В 1917 г. большевики обещали освобождение трудящихся масс от эксплуатации. Но в течение 20 лет они установили режим гораздо более эксплуататорский и репрессивный по своей сути, чем побежденный ими царизм. Автор утверждает, что спустя более четверти века после открытия архивов мы все еще остаемся в неведении по поводу того, почему так случилось. Историки склонны рассматривать этот исход как запрограммированный либо преднамеренно спланированный, поскольку большевики были авторитарны по своей природе, или же Сталин «оседлал» революцию и установил личную диктатуру, удовлетворяя жажду власти. До сих пор нет ясности в понимании того, в какой степени положительная программа освобождения народа продолжала мотивировать большевистское руководство в межвоенный период. Большевики недооценили препятствия на пути создания общественного порядка, основанного на согласованном политическом участии. Существенный прогресс был достигнут на пути ликвидации неграмотности, но значительно труднее было создать функционирующий государственный аппарат, бороться и выиграть Гражданскую войну, а также восстановить разрушенную экономику. Падение либеральных («буржуазных») демократий в Европе укрепляло ощущение превосходства «переходной» пролетарской диктатуры. Борьба за власть после смерти Ленина направила местные партийные организации на борьбу с внутрипартийной демократией. Возрождать ее в условиях коллективизации и ускоренной индустриализации казалось неуместным. Гораздо более важным представлялось выживание революции и стремление догнать передовые капиталистические страны. Автор отмечает, что если относиться к проявлениям политического насилия и диктатуре как к конечной цели советской власти, невозможно должным образом понять судьбу революции.

Focusing on Sverdlovsk region, the author traces the evolution of the party system. Two stages in the development of the party system of the Middle Urals are distinguished. A multiparty system was characteristic of the first stage, while on the second stage, a dominant party emerged and consolidated. The causes for the development of current party system in Sverdlovsk region are analyzed in detail. Among the relevant factors, the author highlights a conflict among regional elite factions, federal and regional reforms of the electoral system, administrative pressures exercised by regional officials.Keywords: political parties, party systems, Regional Council, Sverdlovsk region, the Middle Urals. ; На примере отдельно взятого региона – Свердловской области – проводится исследование эволюции партийной системы. Автор выделяет два этапа в развитии региональной партийной системы. Много внимания уделено причинам изменения партийной системы Свердловской области. Выделяются такие причины, как изменение избирательного законодательства, использование административного ресурса.Ключевые слова: политические партии, партийные системы, областная дума, Свердловская область, Средний Урал.