- ; In critically important parts of the cold war era the Democratic Party was the steward of American foreign policy. But since September 11. 2001, the party has, however, mostly been a bystander to the major transformation of U.S. foreign policy carried out by the Bush administration. Will the party continue to play such a passive and reactive role or will it be able to formulate a coherent and realistic alternative the Bush foreign policy? Both the U.S. international behavior and world politics will be greatly affected by the outcome of the ongoing internal debate in the party. This paper takes a closer look at this debate and the various fractions that now compete for being the foreign policy face of the party. It is still too early to tell the outcome of this jockeying for power, and consequently the Bush administration will most likely continue as the dominant force behind American foreign policy.
Masteroppgave samfunnskommunikasjon KOM500 - Universitetet i Agder 2018 ; This thesis project is a rhetorical analysis of Jonas Gahr Støre, leader of the Norwegian Labour Party, in the televised party leader debate on 08.14.2017. Støre had been accused of being unclear in his communication style for a long time, but was named the winner of this debate in several major Media. With a hermeneutic approach, the task examines the rhetorical devices Støre used in the debate. By using theoretical perspectives from political communication and mediation, the project also explores why Støre appeared the way he did. The analysis shows that Støre assumed an active role in the debate, especially when the debate was dealing with matters where the party is seeking issue ownership. He repeatedly attacks the government and the prime minister, framing issues to stress the need for a change of government.
Tema for masteroppgaven min er forhandlingsstrategier i flerpartsforhandlinger, med fokus på tidlig fase i planprosesser. Planprosesser er komplekse flerpartsforhandlinger med mange ulike aktører som samhandler med hverandre for å få realisert sine mål. Denne kompleksiteten skapes av interaksjonen mellom de mange partene. Ved enhver forhandling er målet å komme frem til enighet mellom partene. Hovedproblemstillingen for masteroppgaven er: Hvilke forhandlingsstrategier velger eiendomsutviklere for å få sine utbyggingsforslag godkjent i flerpartsforhandlinger? Hovedproblemstillingen er konkretisert av tre delproblemstillinger: 1) Hvordan ser eiendomsutviklere på formålet med forhandlingene? 2) Hvilke individuelle strategier brukes av eiendomsutviklere i forhandlinger? 3) Hvilke taktiske virkemidler anvender eiendomsutviklere i forhandlingsprosessen for å påvirke andre aktører? ; The subject of this Master Thesis is negotiation strategies in multi-party negotiations, focusing on the initial phase of the city planning processes. City planning processes are complex multi-party negotiations with many actors working together to realize their goals. This complexity is created by the interaction between many parties. The goal of any negotiations is to reach agreement between the parties. My research question is: Which negotiation strategies do real estate developers choose to get their proposals approved in multi-party negotiations? This main research question is further specified in three sub questions: 1) How do the real estate developers perceive the purpose of the negotiations? 2) Which individual strategies are the real estate developers using in the negotiations? 3) Which influence tactics are the real estate developers using in the negotiation processes in order to influence other parties? ; M-EUTV
In this thesis, we compare two organizational reforms within one policy area. How the "Modernization reform for development management" from 2002/03 and the "Reform for the organization of grant management" from 2018/19, affected the relationship between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Norad - the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation. Central is the political choice of the overall organizational model in the reforms, with two main alternatives: an integrated model in which the directorate becomes part of the ministry, and a delegated model that assigns the directorate additional tasks (enhanced vertical autonomy). In the thesis, we examine what led to the reform in 2003, and whether the newer reform can be regarded as a continuation of the 2003 reform. We have chosen to base our analysis on the theoretical framework for reforms by Pollitt and Bouckaert. The thesis is a comparative case study, and the analysis is based on three types of data sources: semi-structured interviews, document analysis, and media coverage. In the thesis, we find that several driving forces contributed to the initiation of reform in 2002/03, but that the Minister of Development's political ambitions must be regarded as a main reason to reform. The result of the reform was a mixed model, which can best be explained by the interaction - or tug-of-war - between two ministers, between foreign policy and development policy and the meeting between political desires and what was administratively feasible. Unresolved issues in the 2003 reform led to constant attempts to find an administrative balance in the years between the two reforms. In 2019, driving forces within the political system, especially party politics, became decisive for the choice of model, after the political party KrF (the Christian Democrats) entered the government. By studying the two reforms over time, we show in the thesis that ongoing discussions about the interface between politics and administration, as well as tensions between foreign policy and development policy interests, were central to the reform processes. This may help explain why reforms are repeated. The thesis is a contribution to understanding reforms in a context that also includes the time perspective. ; publishedVersion