Suchergebnisse

Discusses the Vietnam War in the United States, Norway and Sweden from the perspective of the public and the political leadership. In the 1970s, many revisionist historians, who studied only the latter half of the War's duration, erroneously claimed that Norway held a critical view of the Vietnam War. In reality, the Norwegian Labor Party held a somewhat positive opinion of the war that only swung once the Swedish Social Democratic Party had heavily criticized it. L. Pitkaniemi

The author examines the power of superdelegates to exert disproportionate influence on the selection of the Democratic nominee for president. It is asserted that superdelegates consist dominantly of the party elite or party machine and are primarily white males, which it is further argued goes to the heart of the elitist concept of American exceptionalism. The history of American exceptionalism is examined. The introduction of superdelegates into the Democratic Party nomination process and front-loading of state elections to influence the nomination process are discussed as examples of exceptionalist politics. Campaign financing and spending is discussed, including the issue of campaign finance reform. One perspective presented on superdelegates is that they are intended to balance out the liberal tendencies of the average democrat voter in the primary election to promote the nomination of a moderate candidate. References. E. Sundby

The Foreign Affairs Committee has been a central point in the Norwegian political life ever since 1917 when the committee began its activity in its current role under the chairman J. L. Mowinckel. Since then the committee has been led by three prime ministers and three foreign affairs ministers, mostly under left wing rule, even if the Christian People's Party and the Conservative Party have also chaired the committee for three terms each. The first female committee member was Rakel Sewerin from 1961 to 1969 and the only female committee chairman was Gro Harlem Brundtland from 1980 to 1981 and from 1989 to 1990. L. Pitkaniemi

An explanation for why the success of the Communist Party of China (CPC) relies heavily on the middle class and the rational, emotional and national reasons for why their support continues. According to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) the strong yearly economic growth has lifted 15% (or 200 million people) to the middle class in China, which has become the group that most benefits from the status quo. While only 5.4% of Chinese belong to the CPC in entrepreneurs this percentage rises to 30-60% depending on the region. Thus even if the middle class shows often apathy towards politics, they still employ party membership as a means to success. L. Pitkaniemi

Many changes, both internally & externally, have been felt during the 20 yrs that a Democratic majority governed the US. Since Eisenhower's election in 1952 & re-election in 1956, it would be interesting to know to what extent the Republican majority can be considered to be stable. In 1956, the Democrats won the elections, the presidential party having failed, for the 1st time since 1848, to carry a majority to Congress in a Presidential election yr. PO polls show that there are 3 Democrats for every 2 Republicans. Stevenson was defeated because the Republicans were better organized than the Democrats, many of whom voted for Eisenhower or did not vote at all. Finally, the Republicans control almost all of the press & the media of propaganda & information, & the SS of Republicanism is more a matter of prestige than one of soc pressure. The Wc, while still almost exclusively Democratic in 1948, is becoming more & more Republican, while the moderates are gradually drifting from the Democratic party. Cath's, Ru voters, & individuals living in small towns are tending toward Republicanism, while the younger age groups of the New Deal generation are remaining faithful to the Democratic Party. The qualities of the candidates in 1952 & 1956 certainly played a role in the division of the votes, but if the prestige of the General was a factor, Stevenson also had traits in his favor. Domestic issues, especially the Negro question, had their influence, but foreign affairs is the area in which the diff's in the parties is most apparent. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

If the struggle for power becomes a matter of decision for a pol'al party or pol'al figure in a democracy, the ensuing action may not be in accord with previous behavior. The British pol'al scene shows an actual example of this kind of applied psychol. The Suez affair & its subsequent crisis created a serious psychol'al crisis in GB, a crisis so severe that Harold Macmillan had to deal with it by original methods. Forced to take measures, such as the one giving British shipowners the right to again use the canal, which really indicate the decline in British power, he nevertheless succeeded in restoring public confidence. He took his cabinet ministers in hand by allowing them a large measure of individual initiative, unlike Eden who supervised the most minute details of admin'tion. His authority over the Conservative party was very rapidly reaffirmed, to the point where he was able to force Lord Salisbury to leave the Cabinet. In the end he managed to get the Conservatives in Parliament behind him, by channeling their dislike toward the Labor Party, & by also directing their animosity toward the US & the UN. His apparent calm & indifference allowed him to take a neutral position toward these scapegoats, leaving vindictiveness to his partisans by this device. All of his efforts, however, did not succeed in restoring his prestige with the public who are less sensitive to the psychol'al techniques of the leader than the politicians, & who measure a politician in terms of his accomplishments, which have not been, so far very favorable. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.