Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Le terme et la notion de patronage ont une histoire bien plus ancienne que les sciences sociales : lorsque le mot apparaît en français au Moyen âge, il désigne initialement la faculté de présenter un candidat à un bénéfice ecclésiastique. Ce sens spécialisé, tiré du droit canon, s'élargit bientôt pour englober les multiples formes de protection que peuvent octroyer les puissants. En France, le patron cède rapidement l'ascendant au mécène, terme auquel sont attachées des connotations très positives (magistère du goût, créativité, liberté intellectuelle), mais le patronage résiste en Angleterre. C'est par le biais de chercheurs anglo-saxons que le terme conquiert droit de cité en sciences sociales. Dans les années 1980, s'inspirant des travaux des sociologues et des anthropologues, l'historienne Sharon Kettering a utilisé le concept pour étudier les mobilisations politiques dans le Sud de la France pendant la Fronde. Elle fait du patronage une relation asymétrique entre deux individus aux ressources inégales : le plus puissant offre argent, recommandation ou protection au second, qui en retour se met au service du premier et lui promet, au péril de sa vie, une loyauté indéfectible. Pour l'école anglo-saxonne, à la différence de l'école française intéressée aux « fidélités » (Roland Mousnier), peu importe la réalité des sentiments affichés, seuls comptent les services échangés. Les relations de patronage ne sont pas des « dyades » mais s'inscrivent dans un système complexe ou coexistent et rivalisent plusieurs patrons, ainsi que plusieurs clients, le tout dominé par les cours princières, fontaines des faveurs à l'époque moderne. Les écoles françaises et anglo-saxonnes s'accordent en revanche à considérer le patronage comme une institution « informelle », qui contribue à structurer durablement les rapports sociaux sans pour autant s'accompagner d'une reconnaissance juridique officielle.

International audience ; Le terme et la notion de patronage ont une histoire bien plus ancienne que les sciences sociales : lorsque le mot apparaît en français au Moyen âge, il désigne initialement la faculté de présenter un candidat à un bénéfice ecclésiastique. Ce sens spécialisé, tiré du droit canon, s'élargit bientôt pour englober les multiples formes de protection que peuvent octroyer les puissants. En France, le patron cède rapidement l'ascendant au mécène, terme auquel sont attachées des connotations très positives (magistère du goût, créativité, liberté intellectuelle), mais le patronage résiste en Angleterre. C'est par le biais de chercheurs anglo-saxons que le terme conquiert droit de cité en sciences sociales. Dans les années 1980, s'inspirant des travaux des sociologues et des anthropologues, l'historienne Sharon Kettering a utilisé le concept pour étudier les mobilisations politiques dans le Sud de la France pendant la Fronde. Elle fait du patronage une relation asymétrique entre deux individus aux ressources inégales : le plus puissant offre argent, recommandation ou protection au second, qui en retour se met au service du premier et lui promet, au péril de sa vie, une loyauté indéfectible. Pour l'école anglo-saxonne, à la différence de l'école française intéressée aux « fidélités » (Roland Mousnier), peu importe la réalité des sentiments affichés, seuls comptent les services échangés. Les relations de patronage ne sont pas des « dyades » mais s'inscrivent dans un système complexe ou coexistent et rivalisent plusieurs patrons, ainsi que plusieurs clients, le tout dominé par les cours princières, fontaines des faveurs à l'époque moderne. Les écoles françaises et anglo-saxonnes s'accordent en revanche à considérer le patronage comme une institution « informelle », qui contribue à structurer durablement les rapports sociaux sans pour autant s'accompagner d'une reconnaissance juridique officielle.

International audience ; Le terme et la notion de patronage ont une histoire bien plus ancienne que les sciences sociales : lorsque le mot apparaît en français au Moyen âge, il désigne initialement la faculté de présenter un candidat à un bénéfice ecclésiastique. Ce sens spécialisé, tiré du droit canon, s'élargit bientôt pour englober les multiples formes de protection que peuvent octroyer les puissants. En France, le patron cède rapidement l'ascendant au mécène, terme auquel sont attachées des connotations très positives (magistère du goût, créativité, liberté intellectuelle), mais le patronage résiste en Angleterre. C'est par le biais de chercheurs anglo-saxons que le terme conquiert droit de cité en sciences sociales. Dans les années 1980, s'inspirant des travaux des sociologues et des anthropologues, l'historienne Sharon Kettering a utilisé le concept pour étudier les mobilisations politiques dans le Sud de la France pendant la Fronde. Elle fait du patronage une relation asymétrique entre deux individus aux ressources inégales : le plus puissant offre argent, recommandation ou protection au second, qui en retour se met au service du premier et lui promet, au péril de sa vie, une loyauté indéfectible. Pour l'école anglo-saxonne, à la différence de l'école française intéressée aux « fidélités » (Roland Mousnier), peu importe la réalité des sentiments affichés, seuls comptent les services échangés. Les relations de patronage ne sont pas des « dyades » mais s'inscrivent dans un système complexe ou coexistent et rivalisent plusieurs patrons, ainsi que plusieurs clients, le tout dominé par les cours princières, fontaines des faveurs à l'époque moderne. Les écoles françaises et anglo-saxonnes s'accordent en revanche à considérer le patronage comme une institution « informelle », qui contribue à structurer durablement les rapports sociaux sans pour autant s'accompagner d'une reconnaissance juridique officielle.

Dual Masters ; M.SC.CONFLICT ANALYSIS&RES. ; M.A.CONFLICT RES.&MED.STUD. ; The dissertation analyses the interaction between patronage and governance in Southern Europe by looking at two case studies, the Republic of Italy and Bosnia and Herzegovina, between 2005 and 2015. Actively engaging with definitions of patronage and literature of how this phenomenon interacts with governance, the work takes the Southern European frame as a primary point of reference in looking at a particularly 'Southern' conception of political patronage and how this affects societies. Political and social developments in the case study countries, particularly the development of governance structures, has been affected strongly by the logic of patronage in Italy and Bosnia. A synthesis section following the case studies critically examines in comparative focus the overlaps and differences between the countries, proposes a number of findings on patronage and governance, and discusses the limitations of the chosen approaches. In the process, the relevance of patronage to processes of governance and explorations of social and political conflict are elucidated such that policymakers and academics may find conclusions useful to their work. ; N/A

Patronage can exist anywhere in the world, but in the context of global capitalism and democracy, patronage operates in a different way. By using Transparency International's Global Corruption Barometer and Corruption Perceptions Index, this paper argues that patronage in democracies determines whose interests are addressed first.

The doctoral dissertation examines party patronage in Lithuania. When analyzing the assumptions of the party patronage, the documents of the public sector organizations are analyzed, political parties and the party system that are active in Lithuania are discussed. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with experts from different public policy areas. Empirical research has revealed that the party patronage practices in Lithuania have three main characteristics: the primary motivation of the application of party patronage is the control of the public sector institutions, the range of party patronage is larger than depth, which means that political parties seek to allocate persons to many institutions, but essentially - only in the most important positions, in addition, the Lithuanian public sector is characterized by significant differences in the level of party patronage between different fields.

The doctoral dissertation examines party patronage in Lithuania. When analyzing the assumptions of the party patronage, the documents of the public sector organizations are analyzed, political parties and the party system that are active in Lithuania are discussed. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with experts from different public policy areas. Empirical research has revealed that the party patronage practices in Lithuania have three main characteristics: the primary motivation of the application of party patronage is the control of the public sector institutions, the range of party patronage is larger than depth, which means that political parties seek to allocate persons to many institutions, but essentially - only in the most important positions, in addition, the Lithuanian public sector is characterized by significant differences in the level of party patronage between different fields.

The doctoral dissertation examines party patronage in Lithuania. When analyzing the assumptions of the party patronage, the documents of the public sector organizations are analyzed, political parties and the party system that are active in Lithuania are discussed. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with experts from different public policy areas. Empirical research has revealed that the party patronage practices in Lithuania have three main characteristics: the primary motivation of the application of party patronage is the control of the public sector institutions, the range of party patronage is larger than depth, which means that political parties seek to allocate persons to many institutions, but essentially - only in the most important positions, in addition, the Lithuanian public sector is characterized by significant differences in the level of party patronage between different fields.

The doctoral dissertation examines party patronage in Lithuania. When analyzing the assumptions of the party patronage, the documents of the public sector organizations are analyzed, political parties and the party system that are active in Lithuania are discussed. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with experts from different public policy areas. Empirical research has revealed that the party patronage practices in Lithuania have three main characteristics: the primary motivation of the application of party patronage is the control of the public sector institutions, the range of party patronage is larger than depth, which means that political parties seek to allocate persons to many institutions, but essentially - only in the most important positions, in addition, the Lithuanian public sector is characterized by significant differences in the level of party patronage between different fields.

The doctoral dissertation examines party patronage in Lithuania. When analyzing the assumptions of the party patronage, the documents of the public sector organizations are analyzed, political parties and the party system that are active in Lithuania are discussed. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with experts from different public policy areas. Empirical research has revealed that the party patronage practices in Lithuania have three main characteristics: the primary motivation of the application of party patronage is the control of the public sector institutions, the range of party patronage is larger than depth, which means that political parties seek to allocate persons to many institutions, but essentially - only in the most important positions, in addition, the Lithuanian public sector is characterized by significant differences in the level of party patronage between different fields.

The doctoral dissertation examines party patronage in Lithuania. When analyzing the assumptions of the party patronage, the documents of the public sector organizations are analyzed, political parties and the party system that are active in Lithuania are discussed. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with experts from different public policy areas. Empirical research has revealed that the party patronage practices in Lithuania have three main characteristics: the primary motivation of the application of party patronage is the control of the public sector institutions, the range of party patronage is larger than depth, which means that political parties seek to allocate persons to many institutions, but essentially - only in the most important positions, in addition, the Lithuanian public sector is characterized by significant differences in the level of party patronage between different fields.

The doctoral dissertation examines party patronage in Lithuania. When analyzing the assumptions of the party patronage, the documents of the public sector organizations are analyzed, political parties and the party system that are active in Lithuania are discussed. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with experts from different public policy areas. Empirical research has revealed that the party patronage practices in Lithuania have three main characteristics: the primary motivation of the application of party patronage is the control of the public sector institutions, the range of party patronage is larger than depth, which means that political parties seek to allocate persons to many institutions, but essentially - only in the most important positions, in addition, the Lithuanian public sector is characterized by significant differences in the level of party patronage between different fields.

The doctoral dissertation examines party patronage in Lithuania. When analyzing the assumptions of the party patronage, the documents of the public sector organizations are analyzed, political parties and the party system that are active in Lithuania are discussed. Empirical research is based on semi-structured interviews with experts from different public policy areas. Empirical research has revealed that the party patronage practices in Lithuania have three main characteristics: the primary motivation of the application of party patronage is the control of the public sector institutions, the range of party patronage is larger than depth, which means that political parties seek to allocate persons to many institutions, but essentially - only in the most important positions, in addition, the Lithuanian public sector is characterized by significant differences in the level of party patronage between different fields.

Verflechtungen zwischen Banken und Politikern werden hier am Beispiel ukrainischer Geschäftsbanken analysiert. Es zeigt sich, dass die "Nähe zur Politik" tendenziell einen dämpfenden Effekt auf die Entwicklung der Zinsmargen und einen positiven Effekt auf die Veränderung der Eigenkapitalquote der Banken hat. Bei der immer noch vergleichsweise niedrigen Kapitalisierung "politik- naher" Banken - sie liegt weit unter dem Niveau unabhängiger Banken - kann dieser Befund auch mit dem vermehrten Eintritt ausländischer Banken in den ukrainischen Markt zu tun haben. Es gibt Hinweise darauf, dass ausländische Investoren vor allem an politiknahen Banken interessiert sind. Wird die niedrige Eigenkapitalquote aber von ausländischen Investoren als Hindernis empfunden, erwächst für diesen Bankentyp möglicherweise ein starker Anreiz, die Eigenkapitaldecke zu erhöhen, um sich für Übernahmen attraktiv zu machen.

In all modern bureaucracies, politicians retain some discretion in public em- ployment decisions, which may lead to frictions in the selection process if political connections substitute for individual competence. Relying on detailed matched employer-employee data on the universe of public employees in Brazil over 1997–2014, and on a regression discontinuity design in close electoral races, we establish three main findings. First, political connections are a key and quantitatively large determinant of employment in public organizations, for both bureaucrats and frontline providers. Second, patronage is an important mechanism behind this result. Third, political considerations lead to the selection of less competent individuals.