Suchergebnisse

The study analyses bureaucratic capacity in Brazil's and Argentina's federal governments by applying the concept of state capacity. To capture the capacity civil servants the study investigated dimensions such as professionalization, qualification, promotion rules, and recruitment mechanisms for entering the civil service. The study shows that although both countries experienced the same trajectory in the early years of the construction of their bureaucratic systems and that access to civil service combined patronage and meritocratic patterns in the early 2000s, however, Brazilian political elites implemented a constitutional mandate determining that access to civil service was conditioned to competitive exams, making the system closer to Weber's rational-legal authority type. Argentina, in contrast, kept the selection of their civil servants based on personal and political ties. This does not mean that Argentina's bureaucracy lacks quality but they do not fulfill some of Weber's requirements such as stability and selection more based on merit rather than patronage. The study argues this difference is explained by different redemocratization agendas.

The analysis of the relations between the Executive and Legislative Federal, in Brazil, relate the support of the partisan coalition to government initiatives in Congress with the parties'representation of the base in the ministries. These approaches suppose an understanding that the distribution of cabinet's role in Executive branch fulfills the function of coordinating the actions of partisan coalition to government interests. It is intended in this study precisely qualify this coordination. How, in the exercise of their terms, presidents mobilize and organize their government to interact with the legislature and their partisan coalition? This is the starting point of this work. Under an analytical perspective that emphasizes organizational structure and attributions of the Presidency, precisely at the Civil House, the text discusses how, particularly, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva managed the political coordination of their government. Under an institutional approach, introduced in the field of presidential studies by Terry Moe, the work intends to analyze the president's levels of control on political coordination structures project in the Presidency. It is argued that in some periods, to galvanize the support of their coalition, the presidents not only expand the representation of their partisan base in cabinet's role in Executive branch, but grant spaces in their own power structure, the Presidency, to the members of the coalition. Based on specific variables, will be to see that there are several political articulation arrangements arranged along their respective terms and they express different levels of control of the president.

How many are the top and middle-level Brazilian federal bureaucracy appointees, and to which party are they affiliated? Are there differences among presidential mandates regarding the number of these professionals and their party affiliation? This study seeks to answer these questions, by building a new database that gathers the number of party-affiliated public officials that were appointed to Cargos de Direção e Assessoramento Superior (DAS) (position of director and high level consultant). Descriptive analysis found that the proportion of party-affiliated among appointees increased during the Workers' Party (PT) governments and higher among appointed professionals that were not civil servant. The power-sharing among parties – mainly between the party of the president and the others – varies significantly according to the government. The partisan control over appointees is milder in middle-level and stronger at top-level positions. However, a minority of appointees are party members, even among the top-level bureaucracy. Therefore, we suggest that the political networks go beyond the party affiliations. To understand these networks it is necessary to reassess the role of party politics in shaping the executive agenda and enable reinterpretation of how presidents build and manage the government coalition and the support to their agenda in the legislative arena. ; ¿Cuántos son y a qué partidos están afiliados los nominados para los puestos de rango superior y medio de la burocracia federal brasileña? ¿Hay diferencias entre los mandatos presidenciales? Para responder a estas preguntas, construimos una base de datos inédita referente a los afiliados a partidos políticos que ocupan cargos directivos y de asesoramiento superior (DAS). Nuestro análisis descriptivo muestra que la proporción de afiliados aumentó en los gobiernos del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT) y es mayor entre los nominados sin vínculo con el sector público. La concentración de poder entre los partidos –principalmente entre el partido presidencial y los demás– varió de modo significativo entre presidentes. El control del partido sobre los nominados afiliados es más moderado en los cargos de nivel medio y mayor en los rangos superiores. Sin embargo, los afiliados son minoría, incluso en los puestos de mayor poder político-administrativo. Por lo tanto, sugerimos que posiblemente las redes de conexión política que definen a los cuadros de la burocracia decisoria también se construyan por medios extrapartidarios, y comprenderlas es decisivo para dimensionar el peso de la política partidaria en la burocracia ministerial y reinterpretar cómo el Poder Ejecutivo construye y administra la coalición de gobierno y su apoyo en el Poder Legislativo. ; Quantos são e a quais partidos estão filiados os nomeados para os cargos do alto e médio escalão da burocracia federal brasileira? Há diferenças entre mandatos presidenciais? Para responder essas perguntas, construímos uma base de dados inédita referente aos filiados a partidos políticos em cargos de direção e assessoramento superior (DAS). Nossa análise descritiva aponta que a proporção de filiados aumentou nos governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e é maior entre nomeados sem vínculo com o setor público. A concentração de poder entre os partidos – principalmente entre o partido presidencial e os demais – variou de modo significativo entre presidentes. O controle partidário sobre os nomeados filiados é mais brando nos cargos de nível intermediário e maior nos níveis superiores. Entretanto, os filiados são minoria, mesmo nos cargos de mais alto poder político-administrativo. Por isso, sugerimos que, possivelmente, as redes de conexão política que definem os quadros da burocracia decisória também se constroem por meios extrapartidários e compreendê-las se mostra decisivo para dimensionar o peso da política partidária na burocracia ministerial e reinterpretar como o Poder Executivo constrói e gerencia a coalizão de governo e seu apoio no Poder Legislativo.

This paper examines the institutional arrangements that organize the arenas of formulation and implementation of development policies in Brazil, asking if such policies are setting up more democratic decision-making processes with the inclusion of a larger number of actors and at the same time if they are enhancing new State capabilities, that is, making the bureaucracy more able to undertake the purposes of the policies? The analysis of these arrangements is focused in particular on the relations established between bureaucracy and other political actors. The selected data for the study refer to the project of transposition of the São Francisco River Waters and show that despite the technical and political difficulties for its implementation, not yet fully overcome, two order of institutional innovations may be highlighted. The first refers to the new monitoring instruments and management (committees, 'situation rooms' etc.) that have reduced administrative barriers or bottlenecks. The second points out a possible new pattern of relationship between State and society: they are not characterized only by old political patronage grammars or bureaucratic insulation (which are still present), but also uphold greater sharing of decisions.

This article presents theoretical approaches on the concepts of rural and urban in the Western Amazon. The methodology used is a literature review and a case study. The rural and the urban are relevant themes in the investigations of the Group of Studies and Research on Territorial and Urban Planning, of the Federal University of Pará, as well as the discussions of the Center of Studies and Research of the Cities in the Brazilian Amazon of the Federal University of Amazonas. We analyze the case of the city of Coari in Amazonas, which underwent socio-spatial transformations since the arrival of the oil industry, when the financial transfer to the City Hall, referring to the royalties resources, begins. It discusses the transformations that have occurred and, consequently, how the theoretical concepts of rural and urban cannot be applied in their entirety, considering that the region of the western Amazon has certain particularities such as: the relationship with the forest and with the rivers still remains alive in the daily life of the population of Coari and, at the same time, the city's economy is linked to the oscillations of the international oil market, maintaining a culture of sponsorship and political patronage. ; This article presents theoretical approaches on the concepts of rural and urban in the Western Amazon. The methodology used is a literature review and a case study. The rural and the urban are relevant themes in the investigations of the Group of Studies and Research on Territorial and Urban Planning, of the Federal University of Pará, as well as the discussions of the Center of Studies and Research of the Cities in the Brazilian Amazon of the Federal University of Amazonas. We analyze the case of the city of Coari in Amazonas, which underwent socio-spatial transformations since the arrival of the oil industry, when the financial transfer to the City Hall, referring to the royalties resources, begins. It discusses the transformations that have occurred and, consequently, how the theoretical concepts of rural and urban cannot be applied in their entirety, considering that the region of the western Amazon has certain particularities such as: the relationship with the forest and with the rivers still remains alive in the daily life of the population of Coari and, at the same time, the city's economy is linked to the oscillations of the international oil market, maintaining a culture of sponsorship and political patronage. ; Este artigo apresenta aproximações teóricas entre os conceitos de rural e urbano na Amazônia Ocidental. A metodologia utilizada é a revisão bibliográfica e um estudo de caso. O rural e o urbano são temas relevantes nas investigações do Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre Ordenamento Territorial e Urbano da Universidade Federal do Pará, bem como nas discussões do Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas das Cidades na Amazônia Brasileira da Universidade Federal do Amazonas. Analisa-se o caso da cidade de Coari, no Amazonas, que sofreu transformações socioespaciais a partir da chegada da indústria petrolífera, quando se iniciou o repasse financeiro para a Prefeitura Municipal, referente aos recursos dos royalties. Discorre-se sobre as transformações ocorridas e sobre como, consequentemente, os conceitos teóricos de rural e de urbano não podem ser aplicados na sua integralidade, tendo em vista que a região da Amazônia Ocidental apresenta certas particularidades, como: a relação com a floresta e com os rios ainda permanece viva no cotidiano da população de Coari e, ao mesmo tempo, a economia da cidade está ligada às oscilações do mercado internacional do petróleo, mantendo uma cultura de apadrinhamento e clientelismo político.

This study seeks to investigate the circulation of Aristotle's Poetics in the social and political contexts of sixteenth century Florence. It starts by analyzing why the methods traditionally used by historians of ideas, which have been dominant in the study of Aristotle's Poetics since the work of Bernard Weinberg, are insufficient. These lines of inquiry fall short because 1) they fail to take into account the links between the scholars who produced these commentaries and the secular powers these scholars served, 2) they neglect to situate the production of these discourses within the various understandings of "art" that were dominant in the early modern period. The second part of the article develops a case study centered on three books published between 1548 and 1550 under the patronage of Cosimo I de Medici: Francesco Robortello's Latin commentary of Aristotle's Poetics, Bernardo Segni's translation of the text into the Tuscan dialect and Giorgio Vasari's Lives of the most famous artists […]. The study underlines that these books all aimed at defining the "arts" of representation as founding elements of the form of pacification the Medici claimed to bring to the civil strives of republican Florence. It also investigates the role attributed to Aristotle's rhetorical, moral and political works within this specific configuration, and highlights how these necessities weighed on the interpretations of Aristotle's Poetics, stressing in particular that the understanding of Aristotle's concept of catharsis as referring to a "purgation of the passions" appears to have been formalized for the first time in Florence around 1550. But, while this reading circulated swiftly around Europe, becoming extremely common during the early modern period, it may not be have been the dominant reading in Florence itself, as a complex manuscript, circulated among members of the academy of the Alterati between 1573 and 1617, and commenting on Pier Vettori's reading of the Poetics, tends to suggest. ; Este estudo busca investigar a circulação da Poética de Aritóteles nos contextos social e político da Florença do século XVI. Começa analisando por que os métodos tradicionais usados pelos historiadores das idéias, que têm dominado o estudo da Poética de Aristóteles desde a obra de B. Weinberg, são insuficientes. Essas linhas investigativas estão aquém porque 1) deixam de levar em conta as relações entre os estudiosos que produziram esses comentários e os poderes seculares dos quais esses estudiosos se serviram, 2) negam-se a situar a produção desses discursos frente às várias compreensões de "arte" que eram dominantes no início período moderno. A segunda parte do artigo desenvolve um estudo de caso centrado em três livros publicados entre1548 e 1550 sob a patronagem de Cosimo I de Médici: o comentário latino de Francesco Robortello à Poética de Aristóteles, a tradução do texto para o dialeto toscano de Bernardo Segni e Vidas dos mais famosos artistas de Giorgio Vasari [.]. O estudo sublinha que todos esses livros buscaram a definição de "artes" de representação como elementos de fundo da forma de pacificação que os Médici queriam trazer às lutas civis da Florença republicana. Também investiga o papel atribuído às obras retóricas, morais e políticas com essa configuração específica, e destaca como essas necessidades pesaram nas interpretações da Poética de Aristóteles, com ênfase particular no fato de que a compreensão do conceito aristotélico de catarse como referida a uma "purgação das paixões" parece ter sido formalizada pela primeira vez em Florença, por volta de 1550. Porém, enquanto essa leitura circulou rapidamente pela Europa, tornando-se extremamente comum durante o início do periodo moderno, pode não ter sido a leitura dominante na própria Florença, como tende a sugerir um manuscrito complexo, que circulou pelos membros da Academia dos Alterati entre 1573 e 1617, comentando a leitura de Pier Vettori da Poética.