1. Objetivos: Esta tesis pretende realizar un estudio profundo de algunas crónicas de Flandes y así determinar si existía un discurso político, cómo era percibido por sus autores, y si éstos pretendían influenciar con él a sus lectores. Para lograr esto, se analizará la figura de los cronistas de Flandes con el objetivo de poder conocer su origen social, ideal de servicio, idea de cómo se debe gestional el poder y las redes de protección, etc… Tal estudio permitirá un acercamiento al modo en que los cronistas presentaron un territorio que era ajeno a la mayoría de sus lectores. Esto, a su vez, informará sobre cuestiones como cuál era su estructura, si había o no discursos políticos compitiendo, etc… De igual modo, con este estudio se pretende conocer el destino individual de los actores militares, sumado como estaba a la explicación causal y moral de los hechos. Porque la crónica sirve para presentar el desorden del mundo, por eso mismo, permite conocer cómo debía ser ese mundo ordenado: sobre qué moral había de sustentarse, lo cual constituye el propósito de esta tesis. 2. Metodología: Esta investigación se realizará a través de una lectura promenorizada de las obras de cronistas e historiadores que participaron en los hechos militares que narran, una vez han transcurrido más de veinte años, o que tenían presencian en la corte durante tal periodo. Esta lectura se hace según el punto de vista de la historia cultural, al igual que según la historia social y política de los autores y personajes que tratan. Tal análisis político se llevará a cabo utilizando documentación original, memoriales de parte, correspondencia, pero sobre todo una lectura política y moral de sus crónicas. 3. Resultados o conclusiones: Se ha podido comprobar que los cronistas de Flandes no sólo tenían elementos de pensamiento político en su discurso histórico, sino que intentaron influenciar de un modo específico al público que dirigían sus obras. Tal tarea fue realizada por unos autores que se pudieron conocer a fondo, tanto en su diverso origen social, como con respecto a su formación, ideología de servicio al rey y meritocracia. También se pudo conocer la fuerza en ellos de ideas tales como la fama, el prestigio y el honor, el modo en que presentaron la política imperial al público español, apropiación, uso y puesta en práctica de conceptos políticos a través de las cuales definieron el pasado y a ellos mimos, manifestación, a lo largo de todo este proceso, de sus propias convicciones, compromisos, contexto e intuiciones, etc… Tales autores también permitieron comprender lo que ellos consideraban había de ser la función del historiador y cronista, relacionada con la cual estaba el concepto de la verdad de sus relatos. Esto permitió analizar las fuentes que utilizaron, basadas en muchos casos en redes clientelares que actuaron a modo de focos de información y al mismo tiempo hicieron del ejercicio de la escritura un acto colectivo, lo cual redundaba en la veracidad de las crónicas. Tal análisis del contenido político de sus obras permitió comprobar la riqueza de conceptos e ideas que tenían a su disposición, y que supieron utilizar a través de sus escritos para influir en sus lectores a través de la presentación del Imperio Español. 1. Objectives: This dissertation is intended to be an in-depth study of some of the chronicles of Flanders to determine if there was a political discourse, how its authors perceived it, and if they wanted to influence their readers. To achieve this, this work will analyze the chroniclers of Flanders with the objective of knowing their social background, ideal of service, idea about how should the exercise of power and protection networks be administered, etc… Such investigation will provide an understanding about the way in which the chroniclers presented a territory unknown to most of their readers. This, in turn, will inform about matters such as what was its structure, if there were competing political discourses, etc… Likewise, the purpose of this investigation is based upon the knowledge of the individual destiny of the military actors, associated as it was to the causal and moral explanation of the events. Because the chronicle has the power to present the chaos of the world, it allows to know how that ordered world should be: on what morality it should be grounded, which is the object of study in this thesis. 2. Methodology: This investigation will be carried out through a meticulous reading of the writings of chroniclers and historians who took part in the military events they recount, more than twenty years after they took place, or that were established in the court during that period. The reading of this material is done according to the point of view given by cultural history, and the social and political history of the authors and characters they write about. Such political analysis will be carried out using original documentation, memoriales de parte, correspondence, but above all a political and moral reading of their chronicles. 3. Results or conclusions: It has been demonstrated that the chroniclers of Flanders not only included elements of political thought in their historical discourse, but also tried to influence the public to whom their writings were directed in a specific way. Such a task was carried out by authors who became very well known to us with respect to their diverse social background, as well as in relation to their education, ideology of service to the king and meritocracy. It was also possible to learn the strength in them of ideas such as fame, prestige and honor, the way in which they presented the imperial politics to the Spanish public, their appropriation, use and implementation of political concepts through which they defined the past and themselves, manifestation, throughout this entire process, of their own convictions, compromises, context and intuitions, etc… Such authors also allowed us to understand what they considered was the mission of the historian and chronicler, related to which was the concept of truth in their recounts. This allowed us to analyze the sources that they used, based on many occasions in patronage networks that played the part of information cells and at the same time made the act of writing a shared exercise, which redounded in the truthfulness of the chronicles. Such an analysis of the political content of their works allowed us to verify the richness of concepts and ideas that they had at their disposal, and knew how to use in their works in order to influence their readers through the presentation of the Spanish Empire.
[spa] La tesis de doctorado explora analíticamente el vínculo entre migración, desarrollo y remesas mediante el estudio etnográfico del programa de contratación en origen y codesarrollo del sindicato agrario Unió de Pagesos (Catalunya, Estado Español). Éste se analiza como un sistema de trabajo migratorio (Burawoy, 1976) y como una experiencia de institucionalización de la migración (Goss y Linquist, 1997) en forma de empresa migratoria, que se articula en un campo social transnacional donde se conectan distintos actores con intereses lucrativos y políticos que fomentan la migración, instituciones estatales, ONGD y grupos domésticos. Este programa de migración circular se erige como un instrumento de control y regulación de flujos, y alberga la misión de intervenir sobre poblaciones mediante el formato de estimular el retorno y la orientación en la inversión productiva y empresarial de la remesa, para generar desarrollo local y atacar la pobreza causante de las migraciones. Describir su discurso y su misión de codesarrollo, así como analizar sus prácticas locales en un país de reclutamiento como Colombia, permite entrever un juego de lógicas e intereses entre distintos actores sociales, que se ubican en una estructura asimétrica y jerárquica, fundamentada en la desigualdad en la movilización global de mano obra. Y en esta misma estructura, la implementación del codesarrollo se asimila con las estructuras y los proyectos de cooperación internacional, ONGD y asociaciones campesinas que actúan en el país latinoamericano y que perciben el programa en términos de oportunidad de financiamiento. La investigación muestra que existe un enfoque economicista e institucional que guía la experiencia, y revela como el reclutamiento de mano de obra en origen en Colombia y sus suministro hacia la agricultura catalana su fusiona con procesos informales de contratación y otros factores extraeconómicos, como el clientelismo, el patronazgo andino y el asociacionismo campesino, que devienen claves en el negocio del reclutamiento de mano de obra a nivel global, e implementación de codesarrollo a nivel local. En la tesis se analiza el programa de reclutamiento y codesarrollo como una empresa de la migración, y focaliza en dos estudios de caso en el suroccidente del país andino (Norte del Cauca y Nariño), donde se implementaron proyectos colectivos de codesarrollo entre los años 2001 y 2013. Además, se observa el problema desde las poblaciones en origen y desde la posición de las personas –gran parte de ellas mujeres-, grupos domésticos y agentes sociales radicados en origen. Las obligaciones morales, el retorno de favores, la reciprocidad y las economías del cuidado impregnan sus estrategias migratorias familiares y colectivas, y los usos y significados de mandar y recibir remesas. Mediante la antropología económica y la economía feminista se analiza el fomento de comportamientos centrados en el homo oeconomicus para empresarizar a las poblaciones migrantes y hacerlas agentes de codesarrollo en sus localidades de origen. Este planteamiento invisibiliza una parte oculta de los procesos migratorios y la redistribución de los beneficios de la migración: el rol clave de los agentes locales, sus estrategias migratorias comunitarias, y el vínculo entre remesas sociales, diferenciación social y poder local. También, el hecho de que la mayoría de hogares involucrados en la experiencia transnacional se rigen por lógicas de la reproducción ampliada de la vida (Coraggio, 2004). Mirar desde la posición más oculta de este proceso glocal, revela la importancia de las lógicas basadas en la sostenibilidad de la vida (Carrasco, 2001). El papel de las mujeres y los grupos de parientes conectan el trabajo doméstico y las economías del cuidado con el trabajo asalariado en los países de destino. En un contexto de políticas neoliberales y control represivo de los flujos migratorios, las emprendimientos que fomenta esta experiencia de migración y codesarrollo se sustenta sobra las esferas más ocultas, pero más dinámicas, que forman parte de los procesos migratorios globales. ; [eng] The doctoral thesis explores analytically the link between migration, development and remittances through the ethnographic study of the recruitment in origin program and co-development program of agrarian trade Unió de Pagesos (Catalunya, Spain). This is analyzed as a migratory labor system (Burawoy, 1976) and as an institutionalization of migration experience (Goss and Linquist, 1997) that takes form of a migration company. This is articulated in a transnational social field where different actors are connected with profit and political interests that stimulate the migration, state institutions, NGO and domestic groups. This program of circular migration is built as an instrument of control and regulation of flows. Beside harbors the mission to intervene about population using the format to simulate the return and guide to the productive and entrepreneur investment of remittances. The main objective that pursuit is to generate local development and attack the poverty that cause migrations. Describe their discourse and their co-development mission, as well as analyze their local practices in a recruitment country as Colombia, allows us to glimpse a game of logic and interests among different social actors, which are located in a hierarchical and asymmetric structure. An structure founded in inequality in the global mobilization of the labor force. In this same structure, co-development implementation is integrated with the structures and projects of international cooperation, NGOD and peasant associations which acts in Colombia and perceive the program in terms of opportunity for financing. Research shows that an economicist and institutional approach that guide the experience exist. This reveals how the recruitment of labor force in Colombia and its supply to catalan agroindustry are merged with hire informal processes and another extra economic factors, such as patronage, clientelism and peasant asociationism. All of these become key in the labor recruitment business in a global level. Also, in the implementation of the co-development in a local level. The thesis analyzes the program as a migration Company and focuses on two case studies in the southwest Andean country (Northern Cauca and Nariño), where various collective projects have been implemented between 2001 and 2013. In addition, the problem is observed from local population and from positions people –mainly women-, domestic groups and social agents based in origin. The moral obligations, the return of favors, reciprocity and care economies permeate their family and collective migratory strategies, and the uses and meanings of sending and receiving remittances. Using anthropology economic and feminist economy it analyzes the promotion of behaviors focused in homo oeconomicus in migrant populations (for example to create business), and converse them to co-development agents in theirs origin localities. This approach hides a part of migration processes and the redistribution of the benefits of migration: the key role of local actors, the community migration strategies, and the link between social remittances, social differentiation and local power. Also, the fact that in the majority of households involved in transnational experiences is governed by the logic of extended reproduction of life (Coraggio, 2004). Observer from the part more hidden in this glocal process reveals the importance of the logics based on the sustainability of the life (Carrasco, 2001). The role of the women and the kin groups connect domestic work and care economies with wage labor in the countries of destination. In a context of neoliberal politics and repressive controls of migratory flows, the endeavors fomented by this experience of migration and co-development are defended in areas more hidden, but more dynamic, that are part of the process of global migration.
La cooperativa agraria de comercialización se presenta como una de las alternativas organizativas a disposición de los agricultores para operar en los mercados agrarios. Se trata de una organización particular, con un grado de integración intermedio entre la empresa productora-comercializadora (mayor grado de integración) y la venta directa en el mercado a través, por ejemplo, de alhóndigas (ningún tipo de integración). En esta fórmula, los socios son propietarios y controlan, una característica de la jerarquía, pero también son proveedores de producto, lo que otorga a la relación una característica de mercado. Así, la cooperativa agraria se aprovisiona casi en su totalidad de las producciones de sus socios, los cuales además son sus propietarios, usuarios de sus servicios y supervisores de una organización que distribuye al beneficio de forma igualitaria sobre la base del uso o volumen comercializado por el socio. Estas características confieren al análisis de la relación socio-cooperativa un papel muy relevante en el estudio de las cooperativas. Las cooperativas agrarias tienen que competir con otras formas de organización en unos mercados cada vez más competitivos, globales y desregulados, con frecuentes cambios legislativos, avances tecnológicos, y una demanda muy concentrada y con un gran poder de negociación. A esto se le unen los cambios en la demandas de los consumidores, con mayores exigencias en cuanto a calidad, seguridad, variedad y conveniencia. En este entorno, la capacidad para adaptarse a los nuevos cambios se presenta como un elemento capital para la supervivencia de cualquier operador, también los que se sitúan en el origen de la cadena, como es el caso de las cooperativas agrarias. Sin embargo, la cooperativa es en ocasiones criticada desde el plano teórico por su ineficiencia a la hora de conseguir recursos para financiar inversiones, recursos que tienen que provenir fundamentalmente de los socios. Se argumenta desde esta corriente teórica que las cooperativas son ineficientes dado que los propietarios (los socios) tienen los derechos sobre la propiedad vagamente definidos. Por ello, esta forma de gobierno presenta mayores dificultades a la hora de afrontar estrategias de cambio y adaptación para competir en el mercado. Por otro lado, en las cooperativas la heterogeneidad de los intereses de los miembros parece haber aumentado. En tanto que las cooperativas se orientan más hacia los consumidores, pasando de ser productores independientes de commodities hacia productores de productos específicos, necesitan de importantes inversiones, las cuales no favorecen por igual a todos sus miembros. La heterogeneidad de objetivos puede llevar a conflictos en los procesos de decisión, mermar la capacidad de coordinación y reducir el compromiso de los miembros y, con ello, su disposición a invertir en la cooperativa. Esta heterogeneidad se va también amplificada como consecuencia de los procesos de concentración empresarial que han tenido lugar en los últimos años. En nuestro país las instituciones también han hecho hincapié en la necesidad que tienen las cooperativas de alcanzar el tamaño necesario para contrarrestar la concentración de la demanda y adquirir una dimensión competitiva. Como respuesta a estas iniciativas, el sector cooperativo ha experimentado un proceso de concentración empresarial a través de fusiones, adquisiciones, formación de grupos, integración en cooperativas de segundo grado, etc. que ha tenido como resultado la existencia de un menor número de cooperativas, pero de mayor dimensión. Un problema asociado a estos procesos es que llevan aparejado un aumento de la heterogeneidad de la base social de las cooperativas, lo que hace aumentar los conflictos ya comentados asociados a las mismas. A pesar de que las cooperativas agrarias se enfrentan a los nuevos retos del mercado, a su supuesta ineficiencia para conseguir financiación y la heterogeneidad de sus bases sociales, éstas siguen operando en un número considerable y son muchos los ejemplos de éxito empresarial. Nos planteamos así como tesis del trabajo la existencia de factores en el ámbito de las relaciones de la cooperativa con su base social que contrarrestan estos problemas, factores pueden explicar la disposición de los socios a invertir y, en última instancia, el desempeño de la organización cooperativa. Objetivos Con todo ello, el objetivo principal de este trabajo es el de analizar los factores de la relación socio-cooperativa que influyen en la disposición a invertir de sus socios y el desempeño final de la cooperativa. En particular, nos planteamos como objetivos específicos los siguientes: • Analizar cómo influyen los problemas de los derechos de propiedad en la disposición a invertir de los miembros de la cooperativa. • Comprobar cómo la orientación al mercado de la base social explica su disposición a invertir y cómo su efecto puede estar moderado por la existencia de los problemas asociados a los derechos de propiedad. • Descubrir qué papel juega la heterogeneidad de los socios en su disposición a invertir en la cooperativa. • Estudiar cómo explica el oportunismo de los socios la disposición a invertir de los mismos y el desempeño de la cooperativa. • Determinar cómo influyen los mecanismos de gobierno de la relación socio-cooperativa sobre el oportunismo de los socios y el desempeño de la cooperativa. • Estudiar la influencia de la disposición a invertir de los socios en el desempeño de la cooperativa. Metodología Sobre una muestra de 249 cooperativas obtenida mediante encuestas online son testadas las hipótesis de investigación planteadas mediante regresiones lineales jerárquicas y análisis de modelos de ecuaciones estructurales. Resultados Los resultados permiten por un lado subrayar el efecto positivo que la orientación al mercado ejerce sobre la disposición a invertir de sus miembros y la moderación que ejercen los problemas de propiedad de las cooperativas limitando este efecto. Igualmente destacar el efecto de la heterogeneidad en la base social ejerce sobre esta disposición a invertir de los socios en su cooperativa, y el papel mediador y directo que desempeña también el oportunismo sobre ella. Y por otro lado, los resultados reconocen la bondad de varios mecanismos de gobierno para controlar el oportunismo y explicar el desempeño de la cooperativa. ABSTRACT Marketing cooperative's typology represents a moderate level of integration because farmers are in fact the owners of these organisations created to bargain for better prices and to handle, process, and sell their members' produce. Marketing cooperatives constitute a special type of vertical integration for farmers because the integration of their businesses, which still maintain their independence, is only partial, with a market element (the transaction relationship) and a hierarchical element (the control relationship). Additionally, unlike in other governance modes, farmers are not only owners but also users and controllers of a business that distributes benefits equitably based on use or patronage. Therefore, the economic literature has approached agricultural cooperatives as a form of vertical integration ('extension of the farm'), as an independent firm ('cooperative as a firm'), as a coalition of firms that act in a collective or collaborative manner ('the coalition approach'), or as a nexus of contracts. All of these perspectives, albeit treating the phenomenon under different lenses, share a common position on the analysis of the relationship established between the farmer or member firm and the marketing cooperative firm as a key matter of interest. These firms operate at different stages of the production and distribution chain, where market exchange is substituted by internal exchanges within the boundaries of the cooperative firm. Agricultural marketing cooperatives operate in the origin of the fresh fruit and vegetables supply chain. They have to compete against other alternative organizational forms in markets characterized by great demand's pressure caused by the high levels of the distributors' bargaining power and the increasing number of competition because of deregulation and the globalisation of the sources of supply for many of these products. These factors, along with the greater consumer's demands of variety, convenience and quality, as well as the changes on institutional and economic environment, face agricultural cooperatives to new challenges that force them to address adjustments and changing processes, whether they might be functional or organizational with the aim of increasing vertical coordination among all participants. Thus, the cooperative's innovation capabilities constitute a fundamental mean to achieve it. Nonetheless, some researchers question the efficiency of cooperatives and argue that cooperatives suffer from a host of problems unique to this specific form of governance. They are referred mainly to the relational dimension between the farmer-user-owner and the cooperative itself. This thesis is focused on this relational dimension. About this relationship, based primarily on the Property Rights Theory postulates, some authors have stressed the cooperatives' difficulties for raising equity, concluding that cooperatives are inefficient by nature. A further issue of interest is related to the issue of heterogeneity of the agricultural marketing cooperatives membership and their implications on the cooperatives' performance. Such an argument is used as another claim against the cooperatives ability to compete in nowadays markets. In particular, heterogeneity of cooperative's memberships has increased lately. In Spain, there has been a process of business concentration (less cooperatives, but bigger ones) in order to face the concentration of distributors and obtaining a competitive dimension. This has taken place through mergers, internal growth, acquisitions, groups' formation and adhesion to second-order cooperatives. These processes have resulted in a blending of different memberships (fusions, mergers and acquisitions) or the incorporation of new members (internal growth). In any case, the increase in members' heterogeneity might be causing conflicts, especially those related to gathering funds from members for equity raisings. Nevertheless, even though agricultural marketing cooperatives are faced to these new market challenges, its theoretical inefficiency and heterogeneity problems, they still coexists with investor owned firms, they hold a relevant share in agricultural markets, they have played an active role for a very long time, and they still appear as an alternative with a future. Objectives Consequently, we consider as thesis of this dissertation the existence of factors within the cooperatives relational environment established between the cooperative and its farmer-members that can offset these problems and explain the members' willingness to invest in the cooperative and, finally, the cooperatives' performance. In particular our specific objectives are: • To analyse how property rights problems affects to members' willingness to invest in the cooperative. • To check how the members' market orientation explains their willingness to invest and the impact of property rights problems on this relationship. • To find out how heterogeneity is affecting members' willingness to invest in the cooperative. • To study how perceptions about the membership general levels of opportunism explains the each member willingness to invest in the cooperative and the cooperative's performance. • To determine how governance mechanisms that rules the relationships between members and cooperative influence members' willingness to invest and cooperative's performance. • To study the effect of members' willingness to invest on cooperative's performance. Methodology We obtained data from 249 Spanish marketing agricultural cooperatives through an online survey. Several hierarchical regressions models and structural equation models were conducted in order to test the research hypotheses. Results The results have proven how certain factors inherent to the relationship between cooperatives and their members explain the members' willingness to invest and cooperative's performance. On one hand, we proved the positive effects of the membership market orientation on their willingness to invest. We have also observed the negative influence of the problems of property rights on the membership willingness to invest in the cooperative. Likewise, results showed that members' perception of opportunistic behaviours and some kinds of heterogeneity affect their willingness to invest. On the other hand, the results also showed that selection and socialisation governance mechanisms have power to control opportunism, which itself affects negatively to cooperative's performance. Likewise, selection mechanism and hostages in the form of specific investments have shown a direct effect on cooperative's performance.
Brazil is a land of contrasts; at the same time that it is emerging as a global economic power, it is also one of the most unequal countries in Latin America. When "Lula" Da Silva and his Workers' Party ("PT") won the 2002 election, they intended to pay a historical debt to the poor. Lula envisioned a country with inclusive growth, where redistribution and poverty reduction were seen as prerequisites for economic growth, and not as competing policy objectives (Leubolt, 2013: 76). In doing so, his government not only changed the content of social policies, but also the very policy-making process. Lula's Fome Zero strategy takes a comprehensive approach to reducing hunger in Brazil. Fome Zero is an umbrella framework that includes programs aimed at increasing access to food, strengthening family agriculture, fostering income generating activities, and supporting partnership promotion and civil society mobilization.This brief presents an analysis of the Fome Zero policy targeting family agriculture, the Food Purchase Program (Programa de Aquisicao de Alimentos, "PAA"). In Brazil 30% of rural enterprises are family farms. They produce 38% of the agricultural value and employ over 70% of rural workers (Rocha, 2009: 58). On the other hand, in 2003 rural poverty was as high as 41%. Accordingly, PAA seeks to tackle rural poverty and food insecurity by guaranteeing demand in local markets for small producers through local government purchases of agricultural products. The first section of this brief presents the context in which PAA was conceived, followed by a summary of the implementation process. The following section presents an evaluation of the policy results. Finally, the analysis concludes with lessons learned and proposed changes.As previously mentioned, the PT election can be seen as the catalyst that propitiated the introduction of PAA. However, the formulation of social policies in Brazil started after the collapse of the military dictatorship in 1985. The 1988 Brazilian Constitution set in motion the decentralization process that empowered municipalities. Then, the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) focused on strengthening democratic institutions and economic growth. In addition, in the early 1990s municipalities across different states devised conditional cash transfer (CCT) schemes that benefited the poor. Moreover, during the FHC administration (1995-2002) the federal government launched CCTs at the national level (Bolsa Escola and Bolsa Alimentacao).The PT created a positive environment that enabled the formulation of Fome Zero, with elements that legitimized such social policies as PAA. First, with the transition to democracy social protection policies began to be seen as investments to further development and not as drainage of public resources. Second, the provision of social services had experienced a switch from a universalist model to one that prioritizes targeting vulnerable populations, i.e. CCTs. The third factor was the current economic growth, since the government would not have been able to establish redistributive programs without it. The fourth element was the country's poor social indicators. Despite experiencing growth, Brazil had high social exclusion and inequality because the rapid economic development was elusive to the poor. Finally, the fifth source of legitimacy was the PT election. Lula based his presidential campaign on a discourse of inclusive growth. He promised to eradicate poverty and to redistribute wealth in the country, while reaffirming his commitment to continue with the orthodox liberal monetary policies introduced in previous administrations.Rural poverty and food insecurity were the problems that drove the creation of the PAA policy. The PT designed the framework to address these issues through Fome Zero and the National Food and Nutritional Security Policy ("PNSAN"). However, it deliberately democratized and decentralized the policy debate. In a nutshell, Fome Zero is the articulation of a web of social protection policies and ministries and agencies and its, and PAA's, success relied on creating partnerships with key stakeholders (local governments, businesses and civil society organizations). The federal government created the Social Development Ministry ("MDS") to manage Fome Zero and its subsidiary policies. During the policy formulation process, the MDS organized meetings, workshops and symposia with a multiplicity of stakeholders. These encounters granted non-governmental organizations the possibility to exert influence in the policy process. Social movements also played a key role in the formulation of the National Law for Food and Nutrition Security ("LOSAN"). Furthermore, this law granted civil society participation through the newly created National Council for Food and Nutrition Security ("CONSEA"), which is present at the national, regional and local levels.It was important that the new policy aimed at reducing rural poverty avoid compromising the pro-export production model that had transformed Brazil into one of the world's largest food exporters. Policy-makers considered several traditional options, three of which were discarded for various reasons. An extensive agrarian reform redistributing land to the landless and small farmers would have reduced food outputs. A second alternative, to take no action, would assume that market forces would provide opportunities for poor peasants. The third scenario was to formulate several policies, scattered across different ministries without coordination. The selected policy option implemented by the PT followed a multi-sectoral approach. It sought to increase poor families' income through CCTs, (Bolsa Familia), aimed at feeding the vulnerable population via school meals, community kitchens and popular restaurants, and at strengthening family agriculture through credit and food purchase via PRONAF and PAA. Ultimately, this integral overarching policy focuses on guaranteeing food availability, improving food access and increasing food supply.Successful implementation of such a policy demanded a new policy model that articulates the different dimensions of the policy, while also facilitating the participation of multiple stakeholders. In short, CONSEA, MDS and the Inter-Ministerial Chamber on Food and Nutritional Security ("CAISAN") established the policy system. In such policy system, the national, state and municipal executive powers have the ability to adapt the policy to their local context. The system is crafted after receiving feedback from within the political structure, as well as from the civil society. The following diagram illustrates how the food security policy process works.Created by Law 10.969 in 2003, PAA is administered by MDS and the Ministry of Agricultural Development ("MDA"). PAA guidelines are defined by the Grupo Gestor ("Managing Group"), which is comprised of six ministries: MDS; MDA; Economy; Planning and Budgeting; Agriculture; and Education. The execution has two stages; first, at the national level in partnership with the National Supply Agency (CONAB), and second, decentralized execution involving the participation of state and municipal governments. These latter partnerships are crucial for PAA because the MDS and MDA budget are directed exclusively towards agricultural products procurement, while it is the local governments who ensure the system is operable to allow for the purchases.PAA includes four programs: Purchase for Immediate Donation, Incentives for Milk Consumption and Production, Direct Purchase and Stock Formation. The first two programs aim at buying produce and milk to redistribute among the vulnerable population. Between 2003 and 2010 they represented 39% and 37% of PAA budget, respectively. The objectives of Direct Purchase and Stock formation are to facilitate resources for the promotion of public and individual's stock formation that can guarantee food availability and fair prices for family farmers.PAA intends to benefit two groups of people: food producers and food consumers. The food producers are family farmers including fish farmers, fishermen, extractors, indigenous farmers, quilombolaand family farmers settled during the land reform. The food consumers group comprises people and families under social vulnerability, with imminent risk of nutritional and food insecurity, people assisted by national food and nutrition security programs, and children in public schools.The follow paragraph summarizes the main policy outputs. By the end of 2011 the program had reached over 204,000 small farmers, which is only 3.28% of the rural farmer population. PAA's target for 2013 is to buy products from 445,000 farmers. PAA is present in 2,300 municipalities across the country and targets the country's poorest regions. For instance, the Northeastern region receives 50% of PAA budget. In terms of resources, the MDS and MDA budget has risen from $52 million in 2003 to $585 million in 2013. In terms of food production, food purchases more than tripled between 2003 and 2010, from 135,800 to 426,400 tons. On average, PAA serves 25,000 institutions that feed over 15 million people.PAA has produced both intended and unintended outcomes. First, the program has increased rural farmers' income through food purchases. Now, local farmers produce and sell to local schools and hospitals. Moreover, PAA pays an extra 30% above the regular price for organic products, boosting local economies as a result. Second, producers not covered by PAA are indirect beneficiaries because they also enjoy higher local prices. Third, food stocks have also helped control price fluctuations. Fourth, there is greater diversity of products since PPA purchases more than 330 different items. Fifth, PAA has played an important role in the strengthening of associations and cooperatives. It also provides the stimulus to establish small agro-industries so that associations can process and add value to their production output.Two unintended outcomes attributable to PAA are an increase in price for some staple foods and the expansion of neo-patrimonial institutions, such as political corruption, patronage and clientelism at the local level. Thus, we can assume that the policy "winners" are MDS, CONAB, CONSEA, civil society organizations, farmers, vulnerable population benefited by PAA, local level authorities and local institutions (i.e. schools). On the other hand, three policy "losers" are those corporations in charge of selling food products to the government, farmers who cannot meet the PAA criteria, and low- and middle-income urban populations who must pay higher prices. Although negatively impacted by PAA, these groups do not threaten the viability of the policy. Corporations and big businesses still sell food products to the government because PAA cannot meet the food demand. Despite the fact that they cannot sell to PAA, farmers have a suitable environment that provides easy access to credit and encourages production. Finally, even though prices increased, so did the salaries of the middle-income population.PAA is an innovative policy because of its participatory model during the formulation process, which allows it to enjoy support from its beneficiaries and civil society organizations. Also, PAA's administration is notable since, given its multi-sectoral approach, six different ministries form the managing unit. Finally, the regular control and oversight done by social movements and the impending need to improve coordination among ministries make policy evaluation a necessary priority for PAA's success.In a short amount of time, PAA has already undergone three evaluation rounds (2005, 2008 and 2010). Each evaluation improves the policy and guarantees more popular support. For instance, after the last evaluation the government enacted Law 12.512/2011 and Decree 7.775/2012, which aims at facilitating coordination among the implementing bodies. It also raised the maximum farmer benefits from $1,250 in 2003, to $2,400 in 2006, to $4,100 in 2012. In addition, it encourages organic production by paying 30% above regular price. More importantly, the last policy redesign includes a gender component by establishing that at least 5% of PAA purchases must come from women's associations. Finally, it guarantees a quota of 30% of institutional purchases (schools and hospitals, among others) for small farmers.However, despite the iterative evaluation and redesign process, there is still room for improvement in the policy. Most importantly, PAA does not reach the poorest of the poor. Although the registration process is very efficient because it is based on another social program (PRONAF), the poorest farmers lack land titles, thus cannot be part of PRONAF or PAA. The policy could be improved with provisions enabling the inclusion of this group.PAA is helping with the national goals of poverty alleviation, however redefining its goals and incorporating strategic planning in rural development could improve PAA. More specifically, PAA should reconsider its strategy towards associativism and cooperativism. The policy could enhance further rural development by supporting associations and cooperatives in becoming artisanal industries that add value to their products.In conclusion, PAA intends to solve a social problem by addressing both the supply and demand sides. On one hand, PPA's objective is to eliminate hunger by guaranteeing food availability, improving food access and increasing food supply. On the other hand, PAA reduces rural poverty by providing opportunities to small farmers with market access and better prices. The policy has demonstrated positive results and has been constantly improved through iterative evaluations. With further strategic planning on how to help associations becoming the leaders of rural development the policy could achieve optimal positive impact.Sobre el autorMA International DevelopmentSchool of International ServiceAmerican UniversityLicenciado en Estudios InternacionalesUniversidad ORT - Uruguay
Conflicto en el Cáucaso: Guerra abierta entre Rusia y GeorgiaOsetia del Sur se había separado de Georgia en 1990 para intentar unirse a la Federación Rusa, pero su estatus independiente no fue reconocido por los EEUU y la UE, aunque sí por Rusia. Georgia y Rusia llegaron a un acuerdo para que tropas rusas ejerzan una labor de vigilancia en Osetia del Sur, mientras su naturaleza politica no estuviera clara.La guerra entre Georgia y Rusia se declaró después de que las tropas georgianas atacaran imprevistamente la provincia de Osetia del Sur, habitado por 70.000 personas, en su mayoría de origen ruso. Moscú reaccionó con un ataque en toda la línea para expulsar a las tropas georgianas de la región y amenazó con bombardear Tiflis, la capital de Georgia, si no se completaba la retirada. Varios medios informan al respecto:"El País" de Madrid:"EE UU acusa a Rusia de querer derrocar al presidente georgiano":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/EE/UU/acusa/Rusia/querer/derrocar/presidente/georgiano/elpepuint/20080810elpepuint_6/Tes"Rusia niega que Georgia haya puesto fin a las operaciones militares: Tbilisi comunica su intención de cesar el fuego y entablar conversaciones.- El Ministerio de Interior georgiano confirma que la aviación rusa ha bombardeado una base militar y el aeropuerto internacional en la capital georgiana.- Moscú hunde una lancha georgiana en el Mar Negro":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Rusia/niega/Georgia/haya/puesto/fin/operaciones/militares/elpepuint/20080810elpepuint_1/Tes "El fin del mundo en la cuna de Stalin: El bombardeo de la ciudad georgiana de Gori por la aviación rusa desata escenas de pánico - Cientos de soldados y civiles se ocultan en los refugios":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/fin/mundo/cuna/Stalin/elpepuint/20080810elpepiint_4/Tes"Concentraciones delante del parlamento georgiano: Los ciudadanos recriminan a los dirigentes su actitud, mientras los principales hospitales del lugar se ven desbordados por el aluvión de heridos":http://www.elpais.com/yoperiodista/articulo/Periodista/Georgia/bombardeo/Georgia/guerra/internacional/Rusia/Concentraciones/delante/parlamento/georgiano/elpepuyop/20080810elpyop_1/Tes"Guerra abierta entre Rusia y Georgia:La aviación rusa bombardea varias ciudades georgianas fuera de Osetia del Sur - Moscú asegura que la ofensiva militar de Tblisi ha provocado 30.000 desplazados":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Guerra/abierta/Rusia/Georgia/elpepuint/20080810elpepiint_1/Tes"Le Monde":"Le conflit en Ossétie du Sud, jour par jour":http://www.lemonde.fr/web/articleinteractif/0,41-0@2-3214,49-1082142@51-1036786,0.html"CNN":Presenta sitio web con links a artículos y fotografías relacionadas al conflicto:http://search.cnn.com/search.jsp?query=Georgia&type=news&sortBy=date&intl=true"Georgian breakaway city in ruins":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/08/10/georgia.russia/index.html"La Nación":"Georgia retira sus tropas y Rusia toma el control de Osetia del Sur. Lo hizo después de perder el control en la capital de la región separatista; miles de personas se desplazaron por los enfrentamientos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038419"El Papa pidió el cese de los combates: Benedicto XVI sostuvo que ya causaron "muchas víctimas inocentes"":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038411"El conflicto saca a la luz otra cara del gobierno ruso: Moscú teme perder las tradicionales alianzas con sus vecinos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038361"Grave escalada bélica en el Cáucaso: El conflicto se extendió más allá de Osetia del Sur; Tiflis se declaró en estado de guerra; ya habría más de 2000 muertos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038360"Time":"Georgia Wants U.S. to Restrain Russia":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1831244,00.html"Moscow's Dangerous Game in Georgia":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1831243,00.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia:"Ante la ONU, E.U. acusó a Rusia de querer alargar el conflicto para derrocar a presidente giorgiano":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/otrasregiones/relaciones/ante-la-onu-eu-acuso-a-rusia-de-querer-alargar-el-conflicto-para-derrocar-a-presidente-giorgiano_4437921-1"MSNBC":"Russian troops reportedly cut Georgia in half: Towns, military base captured; Moscow to brief NATO on actions":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26116598/"South Ossetians describe escape from fighting: Refugees from breakaway Georgian province seek shelter in Russia":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26125821/"Georgia makes a power play — and a big gamble: Assault on breakaway region doesn't win U.S. support, antagonizes Russia":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26105019/"The Economist":"Calling a halt: Russia says its military operations in Georgia are over":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11916337&source=features_box_main"El Mercurio" de Chile:"Alerta en Tiflis ante temor a una arremetida militar: Tropas rusas se adentran en Georgia y Bush afirma que Moscú busca derrocar al gobierno":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/12/internacional/_portada/noticias/71A8D71D-DCF1-442A-8FD4-1F5B503ADE79.htm?id={71A8D71D-DCF1-442A-8FD4-1F5B503ADE79}"Zbigniew Brzezinski, ex asesor de seguridad nacional de Estados Unidos: "Si Rusia continúa así, debe ser aislada"":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/12/internacional/_portada/noticias/EBF1246C-C697-4A27-985C-A9A96BD87A08.htm?id={EBF1246C-C697-4A27-985C-A9A96BD87A08}"New York Times":"Russian Ground Forces Assault Vital GeorgianCity":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/11/world/europe/11georgia.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin"In Georgia Clash, a Lesson on U.S. Need for Russia":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/10/world/europe/10diplo.html?ref=world"Times":"Full text of the Georgia peace plan - and obstacles to its implementation":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4522496.eceAMERICA LATINA"CNN" informa: "Pacific hurricane likely to stay over open water":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/08/08/hernan/index.html"The Economist" analiza: "Venezuela: The autocrat of Caracas. Hugo Chávez tightens the state's grip on politics and the economy": http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11885670"The Economist" anuncia: "The Amazon: Paying for the forest. Donations welcome, even from foreigners":http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11885784"El País" de Madrid informa: "Ocho heridos por la explosión de un artefacto de las FARC en Bogotá. La Policía cree que los guerrilleros habían extorsionado a los heridos, trabajadores de un comercio":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/heridos/explosion/artefacto/FARC/Bogota/elpepuint/20080810elpepuint_3/Tes Varios medios informan sobre el referéndum en Bolivia:"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Morales sobrevive al referéndum revocatorio":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Morales/sobrevive/referendum/revocatorio/elpepuint/20080811elpepuint_3/Tes"Le Monde" publica: "En Bolivie, Evo Morales joue son va-tout dans un référendum sur son mandat":http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2008/08/09/en-bolivie-evo-morales-joue-son-va-tout-dans-un-referendum-sur-son-mandat_1081927_3222.html#ens_id=1080276"CNN" informa: "Bolivians vote on fate of Morales":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/08/10/bolivia.referendum.ap/index.html"La Nación" anuncia: "Expectativa por el resultado del referéndum en Bolivia":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038413"La Nación" publica: "Morales pone hoy a prueba en las urnas su modelo de país. Los sondeos le dan un respaldo del 54%":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1038325"El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "Con 60 % de votos a favor, Evo Morales es ratificado como presidente de Bolivia, revelan sondeos":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/home/con-60-de-votos-a-favor-evo-morales-es-ratificado-como-presidente-de-bolivia-revelan-sondeos_4437727-1"MSNBC": "Bolivians back Morales in recall vote. Bold gamble by country's 1st indigenous president appears to pay off":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26127208/"El Mercurio" de Chile anuncia: "Evo anuncia diálogo con prefectos cuando se conozca resultado definitivo del referéndum":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/12/internacional/_portada/noticias/BF5558EE-4C8C-4142-A0D5-DBA816E0F038.htm?id={BF5558EE-4C8C-4142-A0D5-DBA816E0F038}ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA"The Economist" analiza: "Drugs in Canada: Needle match. Harm reduction, or abstinence?":http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11885792"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "La fatiga del éxito pasa factura a Obama. El 48% de los votantes estadounidenses reconoce que ha oído hablar "demasiado" del candidato demócrata":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/fatiga/exito/pasa/factura/Obama/elpepuint/20080810elpepiint_9/Tes"Time" presenta su sitio con links a artículos sobre las elecciones estadounidenses:http://thepage.time.com/"MSNBC" publica: "Oil ends U.S. trading at a three-month low. Briefly drops below $113 a barrel, as demand in China appears to ease":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/12400801/"The Economist" analiza: "Energy supplies:The devil and the deep blue sea. Finding more oil has become the first issue of the campaign":http://www.economist.com/world/unitedstates/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11895159"Times" anuncia: "Bush warns Russia and announces US airlift to Georgia":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4524831.eceEUROPA"CCN" publica: "EU tightens Iran nuclear sanctions":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/08/08/iran.eu.sanctions.ap/index.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "La Unión Europea impone nuevas sanciones a Irán·":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/la-union-europea-impone-nuevas-sanciones-a-iran-_4434967-1"CNN" publica: "France denies role in Rwandan genocide":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/08/06/rwanda.france/index.html"Times" informa: "Recorded chimes in Italy ring the changes":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/faith/article4517624.eceAsia – Pacífico /Medio OrieNTE"Time" anuncia: "A China Threat From Pakistan?":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1831216,00.html"CNN" informa: "19 Indians die as homes collapse in intense rain":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/09/india.rain.deaths/index.html"Time" publica: "A Murder Clouds the Olympics":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1831074,00.html"MSNBC" anuncia: "Part of Olympic display altered in broadcast: Some aerial footage of fireworks digitally created months in advance":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26139005/"New York Times" anuncia: "Police in Western China Kill 5 Suspected Militants After Bombing Attack":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/10/sports/olympics/10blasts.html?ref=world"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Al menos ocho muertos en varios atentados en la provincia china de Xinjiang: La policía ha abatido a siete atacantes que han atentado contra una comisaría - Un policía ha muerto.- La misma región sufrió el pasado lunes un atentado en el que murieron 16 policías":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/muertos/varios/atentados/provincia/china/Xinjiang/elpepuint/20080810elpepuint_2/Tes"The Economist" analiza: "China: Behind the sporting glitz, anxieties about minorities and the economy":http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11893655AFRICA"MSNBC" informa: "Mauritania coup leaders release prime minister: Three others also freed, but president still being held":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26140579/"Time" anuncia: "Mauritania Coup Chief May Campaign":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1831256,00.html"El País" de Madrid publica: "Un atentado suicida contra un control policial causa ocho muertos en Argelia: El terrorista conducía una furgoneta cargada de explosivos en la provincia de Boumerdes":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/atentado/suicida/control/policial/causa/muertos/Argelia/elpepuint/20080810elpepuint_4/Tes"CNN" informa: "Eight dead in Algeria car bombing":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/08/10/algeria.bombs.ap/index.html"New York Times" publica: "Darfur Withers as Sudan Sells Food":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/10/world/africa/10sudan.html?ref=world"The Economist" analiza: "South Africa: A future of division, factionalism, stagnation and patronage": http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11893529"CNN" anuncia: "Zimbabwe rivals meet for power-share talks":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/08/10/zimbabwe.talks/index.html"MSNBC" informa: "Mugabe: Only 'little hurdles' to Zimbabwe deal: Rival declines to comment on talks aimed at ending political crisis":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26135012/"The Economist" analiza: "Rwanda: The blame game. Exchanging unpleasantries about the genocide": http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11893587ECONOMIA"CCN" publica: "RBS posts record $1.5 billion loss":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/08/08/rbs.losses.ap/index.html"Time" inofrma: "Dollar Stronger, Oil Dips Below $115":http://www.time.com/time/business/article/0,8599,1830721,00.html"Time" anuncia: "Citigroup: Billion-Dollar Buyback":http://www.time.com/time/business/article/0,8599,1830349,00.html"MSNBC" analiza: "How much more will gas prices fall?. Also: Can I get insurance to protect myself if Medicare goes broke?":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26093463/"The Economist" presenta su informe semanal: " Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11901783OTRAS NOTICIAS"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Los aviones volarán más despacio para emitir menos CO2, La normativa europea para ahorrar gases obligará a encarecer los billetes": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/sociedad/aviones/volaran/despacio/emitir/CO2/elpepusoc/20080810elpepisoc_3/Tes"CNN" informa: "Green homes a growing trend":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/TECH/science/08/04/green.home.ap/index.html"MSNBC" publica sitio con información sobre el desarrollo de las Olimpiadas: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24696691"El País" de Madrid publica: "'Cibermanifestación' por la libertad de expresión en China: Reporteros Sin Fronteras permite protestar por la falta de libertad de expresión en China a través de su web": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internet/Cibermanifestacion/libertad/expresion/China/elpeputec/20080808elpepunet_1/Tes
El caso de la mortalidad infantil ha sido resultado de un complejo proceso que está inscrito en la estructura social y que se encuentra influenciado, según Behb (1982), Wagstaff (2001) y Cleason et al (2001), por determinantes en las que las acciones y las políticas públicas son los inputs del proceso, mientras que la mortalidad infantil es el output. Los Inputs funcionan a través de los determinantes, obteniendo como resultado, la tasa de mortalidad infantil (Diaz, 2003). El interés de este documento es ubicar las variables políticas como las causas de la mortalidad infantil, lo cual implica un sesgo por tratar de demostrar la importancia de la influencia de las variables políticas, por encima de la influencia que puedan tener las económicas o las relacionadas con el conflicto armado. ¿Cómo hacerlo?, ¿Cómo demostrar esta hipótesis? Con base en una extensa búsqueda; se realiza un análisis de fuentes documentales; (estudios, documentos que den cuenta de la relación de las variables políticas y la mortalidad infantil). No fue nutrida la literatura encontrada al respecto; por ello se hizo necesaria la ampliación del espectro más allá del sector salud. Este enfoque era coherente con la propuesta misma, pues entender las causas de las causas de la mortalidad infantil implica abordar otros campos de estudio que se encuentran mediados por un enfoque desde los determinantes sociales. Se analiza en primera medida, el proceso de descentralización en Colombia para explorar su influencia sobre el manejo del sector público y su influencia en la tasa de mortalidad infantil en Colombia. Inicialmente, se describen los principales datos de los efectos económicos de la descentralización. Se destaca cómo los municipios colombianos aumentaron sus inversiones considerablemente en la medida en que la descentralización se profundizaba. De manera adicional, se realiza análisis cualitativo con la aplicación de herramientas como la entrevista a un grupo de actores clave, diálogos con expertos, tomadores de decisión y sociedad civil del ámbito nacional e internacional; para identificar conjuntamente con el análisis documental, las posibles determinantes sociales que estarían influyendo en el comportamiento de la mortalidad infantil. Este ejercicio implicó acotar las perspectivas pues, de acuerdo con la experiencia o la tendencia de la fuente consultada, las causas de mortalidad infantil aparecen, unas con más fuerza que otras. A partir de allí se hace evidente que más allá de los discursos y de las investigaciones revisadas, se requiere la construcción de un modelo de determinantes sociales para la mortalidad infantil en Colombia, que logre explicar la influencia de cada una de las variables en el comportamiento de la mortalidad infantil, teniendo como referencia los marcos teóricos y conceptuales de la epidemiología crítica, haciendo especial énfasis en los determinantes políticos. Por último, se construye un modelo que permita mostrar la influencia de las variables políticas en la tasa de mortalidad infantil, a su vez, se analiza la influencia de las variables políticas en la asignación del gasto a salud por recursos propios, como también la influencia de variables de conflicto en la asignación de recursos propios a salud. Los resultados del estudio en cuanto a revisión documental y aplicación de herramienta cualitativa para análisis de discurso (Nvivo 10) evidencian que la tasa de mortalidad infantil en Colombia en el período analizado, presenta en general un comportamiento hacia el descenso; pero al interior del país existen regiones donde la tasa ha decrecido fuertemente y, en otros, ha aumentado en 102%. Estas variaciones pueden estar explicadas desde un análisis cualitativo; a la manera como se entienden, analizan y se operativizan los determinantes sociales, desde los diferentes actores. La forma de entender las causas de las causas, a través de las entrevistas, difiere entre cada uno de los grupos entrevistados de la forma de abordar las problemáticas priorizadas por las comunidades. En donde queda evidenciado cómo los determinantes sociales, políticos, económicos y de la salud están mediando en los resultados del comportamiento de la mortalidad infantil en Colombia. Los resultados del modelo econométrico ratifican la influencia de estas variables en el comportamiento de la mortalidad infantil; por ejemplo, los incrementos en la cantidad de afiliados al régimen subsidiado repercuten directamente en la disminución municipal de la tasa de mortalidad para menores de un año. De otro lado, ante incrementos del gasto propio destinado a salud, la tasa de mortalidad en menores de un año, disminuye. Los resultados confirman la hipótesis de que en las poblaciones con más necesidades básicas insatisfechas, se genera un incremento en la tasa de mortalidad en menores de un año. A su vez, las derivaciones obtenidas del estudio, muestran que los recursos destinados a salud, aumentan cuando el número de concejales del partido del alcalde aumentan, y sucede lo contrario en el caso inverso. Se evidencia la influencia de variables políticas, las diferentes leyes que afectaron la descentralización, algunos factores políticos como la participación en elecciones de alcaldes, el porcentaje de partidos políticos en el Concejo, el partido de los alcaldes y el número efectivo de partidos; pueden estar mediando en el comportamiento de la mortalidad infantil en Colombia. El estudio ratifica la influencia de otros determinantes de manera directa e indirecta mencionados por los entrevistados y analizados en el modelo econométrico; se trata de determinantes económicos como las NBI, la cobertura al régimen subsidiado, el gasto en salud, el conflicto armado, la prestación de servicios públicos, la participación social y la rendición de cuentas. A pesar de la aproximación de los modelos econométricos presentados con las limitaciones, no es posible por esta vía afirmar que existe una influencia total y certera de las variables políticas en el comportamiento de la mortalidad infantil en Colombia entre 1994-2009. Sin embargo, es evidente en los discursos de las personas entrevistadas y de los elementos analizados y presentados anteriormente que las variables políticas se mencionan como relevantes en el comportamiento de la tasa de mortalidad infantil. Se reafirman en este estudio, las recomendaciones de garantizar el financiamiento de los servicios de salud, el aumento en la cobertura con calidad e integralidad a la población infantil, la disminución del conflicto armado, la garantía de protección total de las poblaciones vulnerables por parte del Estado, la elaboración de planes de salud de largo alcance que disminuyan los efectos del clientelismo, parece contribuir también a la salud y al bienestar de la infancia. Para finalizar se hace la recomendación desde la econometría de seguir realizando aproximaciones para explicar la mortalidad infantil buscando estimar el efecto del gasto propio en salud sobre las tasas de mortalidad infantil en menores de un año, utilizando el método de estimación econométrico básico que es el de mínimos cuadrados ordinarios (MCO). Es posible que el modelo presente un problema de endogeneidad común en el análisis econométrico. Dado lo anterior, se recomienda utilizar un modelo de variables instrumentales y allí está el reto final de encontrar la variable instrumental adecuada que permita realizar estimaciones insesgadas y consistentes. ; Abstract. The case of infant mortality was the result of a complex process that is registered in the social structure and is influenced according Behb (1982 ) , Wagstaff (2001) and Cleason et al (2001) , for determining when the actions and public policies are the inputs of the process, while infant mortality is the output. The inputs operate through determinants, resulting , and the infant mortality rate . The interest of this paper is to place political variables as the causes of infant mortality, which implies a bias to try to demonstrate the importance of the influence of political variables , above the influence they may have economic or related to the armed conflict . How to do it , how do I prove this hypothesis ? Based on an extensive search; an analysis of documentary sources is performed; (studies, documents that account for the relationship of political variables and infant mortality ) . No literature was found nourished thereon; thereby widening the spectrum beyond the health sector was necessary. This approach was consistent with the proposal itself, for understanding the causes of the causes of child mortality involves addressing other fields of study that are mediated by an approach from the social determinants. Is analyzed in a first step, the process of decentralization in Colombia to explore their influence on public sector management and its influence on the rate of infant mortality in Colombia. Initially, the main elements of the economic effects of decentralization are described. It highlights how the Colombian municipalities significantly increased their investments to the extent that decentralization deepened. Additionally, qualitative analysis is performed with the application of tools such as the interview with a group of key stakeholders, discussions with experts, decision makers and civil society in the national and international level; to identify together with the documentary analysis , the potential social determinants that would influence the behavior of infant mortality. This exercise involved narrow perspectives because, according to the experience or the tendency of the source consulted, the causes of infant mortality appear , some harder than others. From there it becomes clear that beyond speeches and revised research, building a model of social determinants for infant mortality in Colombia , which achieves explain the influence of each of the variables in behavior required infant mortality , taking as reference the theoretical and conceptual frameworks of critical epidemiology , with special emphasis on the political determinants . Finally , a model to show the influence of political variables in the infant mortality rate , in turn , the influence of political variables discussed in the allocation of expenditure to health equity , as well as the influence is built variable conflict in the allocation of health resources to themselves . Study results regarding document review and implementation of qualitative tool for discourse analysis ( Nvivo 10) show that the infant mortality rate in Colombia in the period analyzed , presents general behavior towards the descent; within the country but there are regions where the rate has declined sharply and, in others, has increased by 102%. These variations can be explained from a qualitative analysis ; to the way they understand , analyze and operationalize social determinants from different actors. The way to understand the causes of causes , through interviews , differs between each of the groups interviewed shape the issues prioritized by the communities addressed. Where is evident how the social, political, economic and health are mediating behavioral outcomes in infant mortality in Colombia . The results of the econometric model confirm the influence of these variables on the behavior of infant mortality; for example, increases in the number of affiliates to the subsidized regime directly affect municipal decreased mortality rate for children under one year. On the other hand, in increments of own health spending, the death rate for children under one year decreases. The results confirm the hypothesis that in populations with unmet basic needs, generates an increase in the mortality rate for children under one year. In turn, the study leads obtained show that the resources devoted to health, increase when the numbers of councilors increase the mayor's party, and the opposite happens in the reverse case. The influence of political variables is evident, the different laws affecting decentralization, some political factors such as participation in mayoral elections, the percentage of political parties on the council , the party of the mayors and the effective number of parties ; may be mediating the behavior of infant mortality in Colombia . The study confirms the influence of other determinants of direct and indirect mentioned by respondents and analyzed in the econometric model way ; is economic determinants such as NBI , the subsidized coverage , health expenditures , armed conflict , the provision of public services, social participation and accountability . Although the approximation of the econometric models presented with the limitations, it is not possible in this way say that there is a complete and accurate influence of political variables on the behavior of infant mortality in Colombia between 1994-2009. However, it is evident in the discourse of the interviewees and the elements analyzed and presented above that political variables are mentioned as relevant to the behavior of the infant mortality rate. Reaffirmed in this study, the recommendations to ensure the financing of health services, increased coverage and quality and comprehensiveness of the child population, the decline of armed conflict , ensuring total protection of vulnerable populations by the State, development of health plans that reduce the long-range effects of patronage , it also seems to contribute to the health and welfare of children. To end the recommendation is made from econometrics to continue making approaches to explain infant mortality looking estimate the effect of own health expenditure on infant mortality rates in children under one year, using the method of basic econometric estimation is to ordinary least squares (OLS ) . You may present the model problem common endogeneity in the econometric analysis. Given the above, we recommend using a model of instrumental variables and there is the final challenge of finding adequate instrumental variable that allows for unbiased and consistent estimates. ; Doctorado
