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At the end of Middle Ages, Barcelonese authorities had extended their authority over areas which, in principle, were exclusive competence of the Church, such as charity, morality or education. This historical phenomenon –conceptualised by historiography with the expression 'civic religion'– is part of a general trend throughout Europe, so that urban governments did not want to leave in the hands of the clergy those issues that were part of what they considered to be of collective interest. This thesis analyses the phenomenon of civic religion in early modern Barcelona, i.e. the intervention of municipal power in the religious sphere that was manifested, above all, in the control and tutelage exercised over urban religious institutions, specially those run by women; consolidation of patronage over churches and chapels; the creation of a municipal welfare system; constant promotion of religious life; and, finally, the creation of a network of saints to protect the city. In this context, City and Church were fighting to expand their respective power spheres which, far from being totally delimited, were constantly being redefined. To conclude, confrontation with the Neapolitan case will be able to introduce new perspectives or approaches in the analysis of the above-mentioned phenomenon ; A finales de la edad media las autoridades barcelonesas habían extendido su autoridad sobre ámbitos que, en principio, eran competencia exclusiva de la Iglesia como, por ejemplo, la caridad, la moral o la educación. Este fenómeno histórico –que ha sido conceptualizado por la historiografía con la expresión 'religión cívica'– se enmarca en una tendencia general en toda Europa, de forma que los gobiernos urbanos no querían dejar en manos de los clérigos aquellas cuestiones que formaban parte de lo que ellos consideraban de interés colectivo. En la presente tesis se analiza el fenómeno de la religión cívica en la Barcelona moderna, es decir, la intervención del poder municipal en la esfera religiosa que se manifestaba, sobre todo, en ...

Born in a landed gentry family of Leicestershire, Robert Burton (Lindley, 1577 – Oxford, 1640) will follow the footsteps of his older brother, the antiquarian William Burton, moving to Oxford to pursue his humanistic education. In 1599, six years after his matriculation in Brasenose College, he is elected a "life fellow" of Christ Church, the college where he will spend most of his days in a life he describes, in a mixt of disappointment and resignation, as «silent, sedentary, solitary» (AM I, p. 17). Later, already pronounced bachelor of divinity (1614), he becomes vicar of St Thomas' Church in Oxford (1616) and rector of Seagrave in Leicestershire (1630), minor positions he understood as the consequence of the increasing distancing of the scholars towards the centres of decision. That malcontent sentiment, well expressed in his life's project, The Anatomy of Melancholy (1621), is essential to understand Burton's exploration of the congenital and adventitious manifestations of what had became a fashionable disease enabling, parallel to the encyclopaedic presentation of melancholy's medical and philosophical dimensions, both a stringent critique of his own society and the utopian project of its reformation. In that sense, the frequent categorization of the Anatomy as a mapping of the inner landscape, in counterpointed with Bacon's mathematization of the "external" world, may obliterate how melancholy provides a viewpoint on every scientific discipline, but also the transformative aims of the book. Beginning with the adoption of the persona of Democritus Junior, Burton indicates a deliberate retreat from the world which, in manner of the Abderian Democritus, allows incursions to the city's harbour to «laugh heartily» at the vanities of its citizens. His growing discontent with patronage and political power, will lead him to convert his book into a public podium that allows his observation of the ways of the world, a venting of the spleen which, under the guise of satirical and ironical amusement, has a serious ...

In China political control is centralised and economic management is decentralised. This gives rise to a serious principal-agent problem, in which the agents are often better informed than the principal. China also has a semi-marketised economy involving much state intervention. This intervention serves both a political and an economic function. It assists the Communist Party to remain in political command and generates formidable patronage resources. It also provides the policy instruments, including incentive structures for officialdom, to maintain a 'developmental state'. The combination of economic decentralisation and semi-marketised economy creates a problem of weak accountability and a breeding ground for rent seeking and corruption. For a quarter of a century China's leadership gave overwhelming priority to the objective of achieving rapid economic growth. This policy was viewed as providing political legitimacy and securing the best protection against social instability. It is argued that the leadership was able to solve the principal-agent problem in its pursuit of economic growth. By contrast, the solution to the principal-agent problem failed in other respects, giving rise to societal costs. Little attention was paid to the dramatic socioeconomic changes –including rising inequality and economic insecurity, environmental degradation, mass migration, rent seeking and corruption – which accompanied economic growth and posed new challenges. It is argued that these changes help to explain the failure of life satisfaction scores to rise over the two decades 1990-2010. They can also help to explain the rise in indicators of social instability over that period. It is to be hoped that the new leadership's current anti-corruption campaign together with its declared policy intention to reduce state economic intervention and increase reliance on competitive markets will strengthen deterrence and weaken opportunities for rent seeking and corruption. The paper carries the implication that China's economy cannot ...

The purpose of the article is to expose the role of Russian right-wing radicals in complicating interethnic relations in the Volhynian Governorate and to find out about the involvement of Orthodox clergy and authorities in these processes. The research methodology is based on the principles of author's objectivity, multifactoriality of sources, as well as the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization), mathematical (statistical) and special-historical (historical-systemic, comparative, retrospective) methods. The research novelty is that on the basis of previously researched documents the complex of actions, carried out by the Black Hundreds with the purpose of discrediting the representatives of other ethnic groups and confessions, was found out. The Conclusions. The causes of the Black Hundred Movement are identified and its main tasks are analyzed. It is determined that, compared to other political structures that operated in the Russian Empire during the period under study, right-wing radicals enjoyed the support and patronage of not only the higher authorities but also the imperial family. That is why they had considerable financial capacity to expand their advocacy activities in several directions. In fighting for the economic and political domination of the Russians in the Volhynian Governorate, the Black Hundreds used any means, which negatively affected the socio-political processes in the region. These trends intensified during the First World War, when a flurry of baseless accusations fell on the German agrarian colonists, who were overwhelmingly politically passive. Russian right-wing radicals justified the expediency of depriving some ethnic groups, especially Jews, of the right to receive secondary and tertiary education and to have access to public service. To this end, articles of similar content were often published on the pages of the press. It was the Russian right-wing radicals who greatly influenced the intensification of interethnic relations in the early twentieth century both in Volhynia and in the empire.

The purpose of the article is to expose the role of Russian right-wing radicals in complicating interethnic relations in the Volhynian Governorate and to find out about the involvement of Orthodox clergy and authorities in these processes. The research methodology is based on the principles of author's objectivity, multifactoriality of sources, as well as the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization), mathematical (statistical) and special-historical (historical-systemic, comparative, retrospective) methods. The research novelty is that on the basis of previously researched documents the complex of actions, carried out by the Black Hundreds with the purpose of discrediting the representatives of other ethnic groups and confessions, was found out. The Conclusions. The causes of the Black Hundred Movement are identified and its main tasks are analyzed. It is determined that, compared to other political structures that operated in the Russian Empire during the period under study, right-wing radicals enjoyed the support and patronage of not only the higher authorities but also the imperial family. That is why they had considerable financial capacity to expand their advocacy activities in several directions. In fighting for the economic and political domination of the Russians in the Volhynian Governorate, the Black Hundreds used any means, which negatively affected the socio-political processes in the region. These trends intensified during the First World War, when a flurry of baseless accusations fell on the German agrarian colonists, who were overwhelmingly politically passive. Russian right-wing radicals justified the expediency of depriving some ethnic groups, especially Jews, of the right to receive secondary and tertiary education and to have access to public service. To this end, articles of similar content were often published on the pages of the press. It was the Russian right-wing radicals who greatly influenced the intensification of interethnic relations in the early twentieth century both in Volhynia and in the empire.

The article considers the problems of cultural development of the region (Novouralsk Urban District), interests of the elite and achieving sustai­nability in interaction of the social groups in cultu­ral sphere. They are in line with the broad and relevant problem of implementation of the concepts of "sustainable" ("smart") city, formed in the early 2000s. The article pays particular attention to the sociocultural po­licy of regions, which is considered in a broad sense, in the context of relations, norms and values cultivated in society and penetrating all fields of its life. The authors focus on the relationship of culture and quality of life. There are analyzed the assessment of factors and barriers to the implementation of positive practices of public-private and social partnership, which are gi­ven by officials of local government and business leaders. The authors give the data of the study conducted in the Novouralsk Urban District in 2017 — 2018, which reveals cultural interests of the municipal elite. People responsible for making decisions in the deve­lopment and implementation of the state cultural poli­cy until 2030 relate to this social category. The article summarizes the answers of 106 respondents belon­ging to this circle. The study results reflect such important characteristics as responsibility of the elite, influence of professionalism on the level of decision-making, human qualities, family and community relations, relations of personal devotion and patronage (which can influence on decision-making) in the organizations where the elite representatives work. More than 1,000 answers of the responding residents of the Novouralsk Urban District demonstrate the relative satisfaction of the closed city's population with the activities of its cultural institutions.The article substantiates the potential opportunities to ensure a consensus of interests of civil society, go­vernment and business in the formation of corporate policy strategies, as well as the elaboration and implementation of sustainable city development tactics.

Europe experiences the development of post-industrial tourism documenting the time of growth of traditional coal basins. Contemporarily, the processes of deindustrialization take place. The material resources of traditional industry are being liquidated – which is expensive, or are adapted for the needs of tourism, which gives a new chance of development for these regions which are by rule in a difficult economic situation. Polish coal basin where many industrial plants and coal mines were closed as a result of restructurizing may serve as an example. Similar processes, although in smaller a scope, occur in the Czech Republic. Some of the industrial objects and coal mines concentrate certain values that predestine them to be included in the group of post-industrial heritage: the Czech and Polish coal mines from the 19th century, or coking plants and steel plants – as Hlubina in Ostrava Vitkovce. The idea of this article is to connect some Czech and Polish objects with one tourist route. The proposed tourist area starts in Czerwionka-Leszczyny and runs to Ostrava, and includes former industrial objects, old mines equipped with steam engines, patronage housing estates, coking plants, as well as mine waste dumps subjected to natural succession of vegetation. Creation of such route will allow to popularize the landmarks of post-industrial heritage for tourists of both countries, as well as will contribute to the development of services based on tourism. The route could become a common training ground for students of polytechnic departments of mining and environment protection, as it illustrates both the former mining technological processes and the processes of renaturalization of dumping grounds. The visiting sites were selected on the basis of unified criteria such as their age, suitability for tourism and education, as well as because of their originality, authenticity and uniqueness. The proposed tourist route will also connect the Polish Industrial Monuments Route with the monuments and mining museums in Ostrava.

Over the past decade, the world has witnessed significant changes in global and national polities. These changes, which include the re-emergence of semi-authoritarian regimes have had a substantial effect on the space for civil society advocacy. In Uganda, there has been an undulation between the promising eras of democratization in the 1990s to low days of oppressive legislations and institutions since 2005. What these changes dictate is that stakeholders working within and outside of the state ought not only to change their approach and strategies to cope with the changes in the rules of engagement but also win and sustain their operating space. This paper explores strategies employed by civil society actors to win and sustain space for operation in Uganda's semi-authoritarian setting. The analysis is situated in Uganda's Semi-Dominant Neo-Patrimonial Space, characterized by patronage and party dominance. Two case studies from civil society advocacy have been explored to delineate key lessons for civil society advocacy across the world. The case studies are presented in periodized interactions between the state and NGOs in order to contrast the outcomes of different strategies which predominated in different eras. The evidence presented shows that where civil society organizations and actors used more collaborative strategies and techniques in their advocacy, they achieved advocacy results and goals. One the other hand, where civil society engaged through less collaborative and confrontational strategies, they did not achieve results. It follows from the analysis therefore that in semi-authoritarian political settings, where civil society is relatively powerless, change cannot be achieved in ways that are contradictory and conflictual to the interests of a dominant regime. As such, incremental collaborative changes are more preferable and more effective than confrontational change options. The scope and extent of incremental changes would be larger the more collaborative is the civil society engagement.

The 2015 agreement setting forth the UN Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) is an important achievement that poses complex and demanding challenges. To adequately address them, judgments must determine contextually and culturally appropriate balances between independently valuable, but often conflicting targets (Singh et al. 2018). Simultaneously, a global coherence across local and regional actions must be ensured, so that local efforts do not destructively interfere with each other, nor overstep limitations in the resources of the planet (Randers et al. 2018). The Global Sustainability Strategy Forum (GSSF) responds to the fact that, after some 40 years sustainability science has produced many insights, but has not really affected our collective behavior with respect to its impact on the environment. Generally, that is deemed to be the result of lack of communication between scientists and the outside world. But might it be that the present practice of science is in itself deficient in producing results that are useful to implement the changes called for? The Forum was established in 2018 with funding from the VW Foundation to identify and address sustainability challenges at the global to regional scales by bringing together, in week-long work-shops, renowned experts in sustainable development and thought leaders in business, government, and civil society from around the world. Under the patronage of Prof. Dr Rita Süssmuth, former President of the German Bundestag, the first Forum was coordinated by Solène Droy with assistance from Paul Skaloud. Moderated by Ilan Chabay (IASS), Sander van der Leeuw (Arizona State University), Ortwin Renn (IASS), 14 panelists convened in Potsdam (Germany) 4-8 March 2019. Eight main lessons emerged from in-depth discussions and reflections towards the end of the forum. They capture some of the main approaches deemed as necessary for science and society to counter patterns and trends of unsustainability and are outlined in this paper. The results were ...

What motivates legislators in executive-dominated political systems in Africa to focus their attention on national rather than local activities? Scholars and policymakers argue that legislators in such systems have little incentive to participate in national-level politics, leading to parliaments that merely rubber-stamp the policies of the executive. Rather, time is allocated to local issues: providing services to constituents or simply engaging in clientelism and patronage politics.I question this conventional view and explore three specific questions central to representation and legislative politics in Africa. First, what do voters want from elected representatives in these systems? Second, what do these politicians actually do once in office? Third, why do parties in these contexts often choose processes that ignore the call of their elites and supporters for greater intra-party democracy, and what are the consequences?In answering these questions, I present a theoretical framework of voter preference for legislator attention as a time allocation problem, and test both my and other prominent theories using data that I gathered from my field and off-site dissertation research in Kenya, including a nationally representative survey experiment, an in-depth focus group discussion, tens of thousands of parliamentary debate transcripts, and the complete universe of 2017 Kenyan party primary aspirants records.I find that voters have sophisticated understandings of the legislators' role, and prefer some balance between local and national service. Moreover, I find that evidence for electoral connection: electorally secure politicians engage in more nationally oriented speeches, while vulnerable politicians engaged in more locally oriented speeches. Finally, I show that both the ruling and opposition parties are more likely to hold primary elections in party strongholds rather than competitive districts, and that the ruling party was much more likely than the opposition to hold primaries across all levels of partisan support. Taken together, these findings question the idea of African exceptionalism, and make important contributions to the study of legislative politics and politician accountability in Africa.

Portrayed as a brilliant Renaissance figure that combined success in the military with the love for knowledge, D. Francisco's patronage is well-known. This article compares the post-mortem written memory of Coutinho with an evaluation of the offices he held: the captaincy of Arzila (1546-1549) and the viceroyalty of India (1561-1564). The household and stay of D. Francisco at Arzila are analysed, as well as his strategy for recovering the royal grace, marked by his appointments to governor of the "Casa da Suplicação" (1559) and the viceroyalty of India (1561). At the viceroyalty, D. Francisco faced great expectations. Comparing Coutinho's policy with the orders he received it is possible to ascertain whether the expectations of his appointment were fulfilled. This article reflects on the relations between different identities within the Portuguese Empire while focusing in a case-study of the shaping of historical memory. ; Retratado como una brillante figura renacentista que conjugaba el éxito militar con la pasión por el conocimiento, la labor de patronazgo de D. Francisco es bien conocida. Este artículo compara su memoria post-mortem con una evaluación de los cargos que ocupó: la capitanía de Arcila (1546-1549) y el virreinato de la India (1561-1564). Se estudian la Casa y primeros años de D. Francisco en Arcila, así como su estrategia para recuperar el favor regio, que culminó con sus nombramientos a gobernador de la "Casa da Suplicação" (1559) y virrey de la India (1561). En este último destino había grandes expectativas por el desempeño de Coutinho; es relevante comparar las órdenes de la Corona para atisbar si tales expectaciones se cumplieron. Este artículo reflexiona sobre la relación entre las diferentes identidades del Imperio Portugués, al mismo tiempo que se enfoca en el estudio de caso de la construcción de la memoria histórica de Coutinho.

The exclusion of women in politics has been identified in recent times as one of the major setbacks for economic development. Women's groups are a strong pillar for grassroots politics; and a drive for more women participating in politics at the grassroots still faces a lot of challenges, making it difficult for them to harness available opportunities for economic development. Thus, the opportunity therein for more women's participation in politics and women empowerment is yet to be exploited by the women's groups in Nigeria. This present study assesses the role of women's groups in politics, identifies their challenges and also explores its implication for economic development in Osun state, Nigeria. The study was carried out using primary data from forums and dialogues within women's groups, consisting of an average of thirty (30) members from ten (10) local government areas (LGAs) in Osun state, Nigeria. In addition, explorative methods using existing literature were also employed. Findings from the study indicate that women's groups do not have political agenda; mostly, their goals do not align with any political agenda, although their members accept appointments, and also enjoy government patronage. There was also an indication that there exists a high illiteracy rate among the members of the women's groups and most of them are not aware of existing National or International gender equality laws or affirmative action. Thus, it is difficult to participate in politics and contribute their voices to political issues. The study concludes that the present role played by women's groups at the grassroots level may not be adequate in encouraging more women's participation in politics and in influencing economic development. Thus, there is need to step up their activities and embrace political issues if they are to help more women participate and be relevant in politics. The study therefore suggests that more empowerment programs, especially in the area of decision making and participation in politics, should be ...

During the mid-eighteenth century two museum institutions the British Museum and the Royal Academy of Arts were established, the former by Parliament, the latter by artists under the patronage of the Crown. In their origins and their early development they illustrate and help shape ideas relating to the growth of the notion of Britishness and English national identity. They were the theatres in which ideas about the kind of political nation Britain imagined itself to be were played out between loyalists (supporters of a reformed monarchy) and Whigs (mistrustful of the crown and jealous of the hard won rights of Parliament). Their foundation is all the more extraordinary because they developed at a time when the arts were not generally understood to be a matter for the state in Britain and when some powerful politicians regarded national sponsorship and support of the arts with great suspicion. This paper seeks to re-examine the origins of these two key national cultural institutions. It considers their political significance and suggests that this has been somewhat downplayed by those who focus on their development within cultural historical contexts. While not dismissing the importance of the international and national cultural arenas in which these institutions were imagined and forged, particularly the role of the Enlightenment, the paper suggests that they can only be fully understood within the context of a nation still exploring and developing a constitutional monarchical system of government and its need to present a form of Britishness to its citizens and its neighbours. ; The earliest stage of this research was facilitated by EuNaMus, (European National Museums: Identity Politics, the Uses of the Past the European Citizen), a three-year project (2010-13) funded by the EU Seventh Framework programme, in which the School of Museum Studies, University of Leicester was a partner. ; Peer-reviewed ; Publisher Version

This study provides a concise history of the developments of Tanzania's visual arts from 1961, when Tanzania achieved its independence, to 2015. It investigated the influences behind visual art developments in Tanzania and ideologies that informed the arts that are manifested in each period. The study found that visual arts in Tanzania developed in three periods that were essentially shaped by socio-cultural, political and economic events. The first phase was that of the Independence Period which lasted for only six years from 1961 to 1967, with the visual arts developing under the strong influence of President Julius Nyerere's steadfast drive towards cultural decolonisation in Tanzania. Nyerere, ambitiously engineered a campaign to revive and promote precolonial traditions and customs in a bid to redefine and construct national cultural identity of the newly independent Tanzania through the arts. The study has established that Nyerere's ideas received positive support from many Makerere-trained Tanzanian artists and art educators such as Sam Ntiro, Sefanie Tunginie, Elimo Njau, Kiure Msangi, Elias Jengo, Fatma Abdallah and Louis Mbughuni, whose contributions helped realise modern art education systems and institutions in the country. Nyerere was also instrumental in the formation of majority of the public and private patronage agencies that were involved in the production and promotion of the visual arts throughout his 23 years' reign. Moreover, during the Independence period, the production and promotion of visual arts were encouraged to establish media of a novel African cultural identity and symbols of national political independence. The second period was that of Ujamaa which lasted from 1967 to 1984 and saw the promotion of visual arts as tools for political propaganda and "economic goods" to help incept and consolidate the socialist state and its ethos. The state was then the chief patron of the visual arts produced and promoted in specialised parastatals and co-operative unions. Yet, some parastatals ...

The tradition of 'Devadasi' was related to the magnificent temples of South India built during the kingdom of Pallava, Chola and Pandya. According to historical and socio-religious records 'Devadasi' was recognized as a learned and talented woman and spiritual devotee to the deities of temples. They were trained in Indian classical dances like Bharatanatyam and Odissi. During this time every temple was reverberated with the sound of music and this profession attributed with high reputation. Till the eleventh century these religious rituals continued under the patronization of Kings or in charge of the temple academicians for smooth functioning. But with fall of Pallava, Pandya and Chola dynasties this dignified tradition of temples undergone to degeneration. At this time temples become poorer and lost their patrons, devadasis suffered poverty, misery and in some cases adopted the profession of prostitution to earn their livelihood. The nineteen and twentieth century withered the personae of devadasiand modern status given to her termed as Mistress. Instead of royal or temple's academician's patronage, rich men of the vicinity came forward to patronize devadasis and exploited their helplessness. After the total collapse of temples some devadasi women migrated to nearby towns or other far-off cities and started practicing prostitution. Corruption kept on growing, consequently tradition of becoming devadasi declared illegal by Karnataka state government in 1982 and Andhra Pradesh in 1988. Presently devadasi's are known as jogin in Andhra Pradesh, who are working as labour and facing further exploitation forfulfilingthe needs of livelihood. Artist Ratnabali Kant researched the tradition of davadasifrom historical, religious rituals and psychologicalpoint of view. She reached to the conclusion that this tradition was inappropriate and against the nature, which caused the whole community of devadasis to get suffered immeasurably. She performed a demonstration through a dance-theatre-performance to convey her opinion ...