A Space Policy for Peace
In: Nuclear Strategy and World Security, S. 143-152
63 Ergebnisse
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In: Nuclear Strategy and World Security, S. 143-152
In: Kultur und Gesellschaft: gemeinsamer Kongreß der Deutschen, der Österreichischen und der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Soziologie, Zürich 1988 ; Beiträge der Forschungskomitees, Sektionen und Ad-hoc-Gruppen, S. 842-844
In: Die Zukunft der Außenpolitik: deutsche Interessen in den internationalen Beziehungen, S. 86-127
The author discusses the three major objectives of U.S. Security policy in South Asia: (1) contain nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, East, & Central Asia; (2) prevent an India-Pakistan nuclear war; & (3) contain the roots of global transnational terrorism by eliminating terrorist havens in South Asia. In the discussion on nuclear proliferation, the author focuses on the Eisenhower administration's "Atoms for Peace" policy, the Carter administration's 'stick' approach of economic sanctions, & the Reagan's administration's use of a 'carrot' approach in the form of military & economic aid to Pakistan. The discussion of the India-Pakistan crises begins with the 1998 nuclear tests conducted by each country. Finally, the discussion on terrorism focuses on post 9/11 strategies to contain terrorism. J. Harwell
In: Differenz und Integration: die Zukunft moderner Gesellschaften ; Verhandlungen des 28. Kongresses der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie in Dresden 1996, S. 187-205
"Die Entwicklungen auf der internationalen Ebene zeichnen sich durch markante Widersprüche mit kaum verläßlich prognostizierbaren Gesamtfolgen aus. Während die Globalisierung vieler Handlungszusammenhänge zunimmt und sich weltweite Interdependenzen unterschiedlicher Ausprägung weiterhin zu vertiefen scheinen, ist gleichzeitig ein Trend zum Zerfall bisheriger politischer Strukturen zu beobachten. Der Globalisierung entsprechen internationalistische, der Fragmentierung meist nationalistische Perspektiven. Auf weltwirtschaftlicher Ebene wiederholt sich dabei die Kontroverse zwischen Kosmopolitismus einerseits und Protektionismus andererseits. Und mit ähnlichen Fronten steht dem Geltungsanspruch universell definierter Werte (insbesondere universell verstandener Menschenrechte) ein meist regional eingefärbter kultureller Relativismus entgegen. Während wachsende Interdependenzen in der Welt nationale Souveränität relativieren, wenn nicht gar untergraben, macht sich gleichzeitig mit großer Eindringlichkeit, ja Militanz das Verlangen nach Selbstbestimmung und einer Neubegründung von Souveränität bemerkbar. Einer universalistisch orientierten Welt ist der Gedanke, bei schwerwiegender Mißachtung von Minimalstandards zivilisierten Verhaltens in die inneren Angelegenheiten anderer Völker und Staaten sich einzumischen, nicht fremd; ihm aber steht das althergebrachte eherne völkerrechtliche Prinzip der Nichteinmischung entgegen. Und immer noch gleicht die Orientierung politischen Handelns an 'Menschheitsinteressen' einem bloß rhetorischen Fluchtpunkt, während in aller Regel Sonderinteressen das tatsächliche Handeln bestimmen." (Autorenreferat)
In: Kultur und Gesellschaft: gemeinsamer Kongreß der Deutschen, der Österreichischen und der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Soziologie, Zürich 1988 ; Beiträge der Forschungskomitees, Sektionen und Ad-hoc-Gruppen, S. 852-854
UN ideals, bureaucratic policies, & mandates regarding women & peace are considered. There is history of women's inclusion or exclusion from human rights debate on Palestinians, South Africans, & South Americans. Pivotal changes at the Second & Third World Conferences on Women (in Copenhagen, Denmark, & Nairobi, respectively) are reviewed. Significant post-Cold War events, including work by the UN Transition Assistance Group, preparations by the UN's Division for the Advancement of Women for the Commission on the Status of Women in preparation for the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, People's Republic of China, & the subsequent 1995 Declaration & Platform for Action debates are reviewed. A look at female inclusion in political decision making includes discussion of the participatory nature of democracy & data on women's voting rights & representation in government bodies. Women's historical status as "noncitizens" in many countries is contrasted with examples of their influence on political atmosphere, agenda, & conflict at national & international levels. Suggestions for further research on gender differences in peace-related areas & policy making are made. M. C. Leary
In: Kultur und Gesellschaft: gemeinsamer Kongreß der Deutschen, der Österreichischen und der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft für Soziologie, Zürich 1988 ; Beiträge der Forschungskomitees, Sektionen und Ad-hoc-Gruppen, S. 849-851
There is questioning of the notion that feminine input on national security systems would necessarily translate into idealized changes. The linking of security with peace is challenged. It is asserted that "the politics of feminization" is more accurately associated with democratization & empowerment. Twentieth-century events affecting the relationship between elitist forces & the populace are cited. Women's effect on security relations between India & Pakistan is detailed & compared with those of Bangladesh & Sri Lanka. Political, nationalistic, & ideological systems are considered. A shift from expectations of national or policy change to one effected on a "people-to-people level" is imagined. The relation of internal security to social unity recounts various South Asian incidents regarding language, religion, sharing of resources, separatism, & class. Women's political actions, from populist protests through policy influence, are reviewed. Figures on South Asian government representation are given & analyzed for "masculine" components. A look at women & communalism takes India's Hindu-Muslim clashes into account. M. C. Leary
Smith addresses the reasons for & implementation of increased foreign & security policy making in the European Union (EU). History of the EU's stance in the post-Cold War era includes the proposal to create a European Defense Community, deference to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the significance of the Maastricht Treaty, & proposals considered at the Nov 1999 meeting in Tampere, Finland. Evolving interpretations of foreign & security policy are reviewed, & the issue of containment is contemplated. Detailing of the Single European Act of 1985, the Maastricht Treaty, & the Treaty of Amsterdam accompanies examination of changes to the Common Foreign & Security Policy. Recent momentum of the Amsterdam provisions is evidenced by decisions made at the June 1999 Cologne Summit & the Dec 1999 Helsinki European Council. The new framework of foreign & security policy is illustrated by a figure showing the distinctive & overlapping jurisdictions & roles of bodies, including NATO & Partnership for Peace. The drive for maintenance of European security & resulting EU actions are considered with relation to recent events in Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, & Kosovo. 3 Figures, 21 References. M. C. Leary
The nature of US-Turkey relations following the Persian Gulf War is studied, & problems that might hinder improving future relations are addressed. Although the US has actively pursued a strategic relationship with Turkey throughout the 1990s, reports of Turkey's human rights violations against its Kurdish population & political problems have somewhat damaged foreign policy negotiations. In addition, several potential developments that instill uncertainty into Turkish-American relations are identified, eg, Turkey's acquisition of EU membership. Moreover, unresolved problems concerning Iraq, Iran, Israeli-Turkish relations, the peace process in the Middle East, Russian-Turkish relations, Armenia, Turkey's impending acceptance into the EU, & Turkey's conflict with Greece over Cyprus could endanger US-Turkey relations. Several recommendations for facilitating the establishment of stronger bilateral relations are offered, eg, making frequent visitations to Turkey a part of the US President's foreign travel itinerary. J. W. Parker
The close relationship between state identity & foreign policy in Israel is investigated. Overviews of the notions of identity, narrative, frames, & institutions are provided; it is asserted that the formation of Israeli state identity has been attempted in a specific historical narrative. The Yitzhak Rabin administration's attempt to implement a liberalist-Zionist Israeli national identity & its connection to the peace movement are discussed. It is contended that Israeli national identity actually became more fragmented under the Benjamin Netanyahu administration; his ambiguous stance on the issue of territorial withdrawal & accretion of power to the Palestinians & the poor electoral performance of the Labor & Likud Parties in the 1996 parliamentary elections accelerated the fragmentation. It is concluded that the Netanyahu administration deepened divisions between religious & secular groups & that the emergence of identity politics in Israeli's parliament during the late 1990s further problematized the peace process. J. W. Parker
In: Forschung für neue Friedensregeln: Rückblick auf zwei Jahrzehnte Friedensforschung, S. 53-78
A comparative study of peace movements of the early 1980s in the US, Germany, & New Zealand focuses on how their impact on foreign policy issues was influenced by interrelationships between domestic & international factors to explore the broader issue of the policy influence of movements. Relevant literature is reviewed, & mechanisms that heighten a social movement's impact on a nation's foreign policy are outlined. It is shown that, while peace movement members helped to win an important national election in New Zealand & lose one in Germany, they were a minor electoral threat in the US. However, the peace movement played an important role in ending the Cold War & preventing sustained aggressive security policies by changing political alliances & promoting policy alternatives. International constraints on the outcomes of peace movements on domestic foreign policy are discussed. These three cases reveal many different ways that protest movements can impact both foreign & domestic policy, including short-term effects & long-term changes in the political culture. J. Lindroth
In: Jenseits der Bipolarität: Aufbruch in eine "neue Weltordnung"; Dokumentation einer Tagung der Evangelischen Akademie Loccum vom 24. bis 26. April 1992, S. 179-230