Razvoj ljudske civilizacije usko je povezan s korištenjem energije i njezinih mnogostrukih izvora. Od doba ranih hominida na planetu, prije sedam milijuna godina, pa do sadašnjeg homo sapiens sapiens, energija je bila osnovni čimbenik opstanka vrste. Crkva općenito, a posebice kroz svoj socijalni nauk pokazuje posebno zanimanje za pitanja cjelovitog ljudskog razvoja, pa je tako predmet njezina razmatranja i pitanje energije, kao iznimnog izazova za pravdu, sigurnost i mir u svijetu. S pitanjem globalne energetike bave se izravno pape Ivan Pavao II., Benedikt XVI. i Franjo, svjesni da ono spada u iznimno bitne znakove vremena, koje treba pretpostavljati, čitati i tumačiti u svjetlu evanđeoske mudrosti. Ipak, problematika energije, odnosno energetskog sustava, još uvijek je jedno zanemareno globalno pitanje današnjice, iako je iznimno bitan čimbenik za cjelovit razvoj i ljudsko dostojanstvo. ; The development of human civilization is closely related to the use of energy and of its multiple sources. From the time of the early hominoids on the planet, seven million years ago, to the present homo sapiens sapiens, energy has been a basic factor affecting the survival of the species. Generally speaking and particularly through her Social Doctrine, the Church demonstrates a special interest in issues concerning integral human development. Thus, the energy issue is also deemed a subject to be dealt with by the Church since it is an exceptional challenge for the purposes of justice, security and peace in the world. Popes John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis all have concerned themselves with the question of global energy, being aware that this is an extremely important sign of the times which must be understood, read and interpreted in the light of evangelical wisdom. Nevertheless, matters concerning energy and the energy system are today still a neglected global issue, though an immensely important factor affecting integral development and human dignity.
Pravilno određeni i na jasan način prikazani načela, ciljevi i instrumenti temeljne su odrednice za uspješno uspostavljanje i provođenje pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije i njezinih zemalja članica, a kako bi se razvio efektivan prometni i pomorski sustav uz istovremeni gospodarski rast utemeljen na sustavu održivog razvoja potrebna je usklađenost nacionalne politike s determinantama pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije, uz respektiranje osobitih značajki pomorskog tržišta. Europska unija svojim programima, strategijama i projektima nastoji pomoći u razvitku svojih zemalja članica, te financiranjima i ograničenjima uvesti i održavati mir i sigurnost u teritorijalnim oblastima Europskog kontinenta, uz stvaranje međunarodne suradnje i očuvanja ljudskih prava i demokracije. ; Properly defined and clearly presented principles, goals and instruments are fundamental determinants for the successful establishment and implementation of maritime and transport policy of the European Union and its Member States, in order to develop an effective transport and maritime system with simultaneous economic growth based on sustainable development. It is necessary to harmonize the national policy with the determinants of the maritime and transport policy of the European Union, while respecting the special features of the maritime market. Through its programs, strategies and projects, the European Union seeks to help the development of its member states, and to introduce and maintain peace and security in the territorial areas of the European continent with funding and restrictions, while creating international cooperation and preserving human rights and democracy.
Pravilno određeni i na jasan način prikazani načela, ciljevi i instrumenti temeljne su odrednice za uspješno uspostavljanje i provođenje pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije i njezinih zemalja članica, a kako bi se razvio efektivan prometni i pomorski sustav uz istovremeni gospodarski rast utemeljen na sustavu održivog razvoja potrebna je usklađenost nacionalne politike s determinantama pomorske i prometne politike Europske unije, uz respektiranje osobitih značajki pomorskog tržišta. Europska unija svojim programima, strategijama i projektima nastoji pomoći u razvitku svojih zemalja članica, te financiranjima i ograničenjima uvesti i održavati mir i sigurnost u teritorijalnim oblastima Europskog kontinenta, uz stvaranje međunarodne suradnje i očuvanja ljudskih prava i demokracije. ; Properly defined and clearly presented principles, goals and instruments are fundamental determinants for the successful establishment and implementation of maritime and transport policy of the European Union and its Member States, in order to develop an effective transport and maritime system with simultaneous economic growth based on sustainable development. It is necessary to harmonize the national policy with the determinants of the maritime and transport policy of the European Union, while respecting the special features of the maritime market. Through its programs, strategies and projects, the European Union seeks to help the development of its member states, and to introduce and maintain peace and security in the territorial areas of the European continent with funding and restrictions, while creating international cooperation and preserving human rights and democracy.
Europska unija je jedinstvena zajednica europskih zemalja koja ima za cilj unaprijediti život svim stanovnicima u Europi te osigurati mir i sigurnost, poticati međusobnu suradnju i razvoj, gospodarski rast i razvoj te "ujediniti se u različitosti", što je ujedno i glavni motiv Europske unije. S obzirom na svoju viziju i misiju, Europska unija je unikatna organizacija u svijetu. Za ostvarenje ciljeva u Europskoj uniji koristi se kohezijska politika. Ona podrazumijeva ostvarivanje pametnog, održivog i uključivog rasta u svim zemljama članicama EU. Kohezijska politika Europske unije je investicijska politika za promicanje ravnomjernog razvoja država članica i njihovih regija. Ona potiče socijalnu, ekonomsku i teritorijalnu koheziju između razvijenih i nerazvijenih zemalja članica. Donosi se za programsko razdoblje u periodu od sedam godina i ujedno je financijski okvir za projekte u gospodarskoj, teritorijalnoj i društvenoj koheziji. Cilj ovog diplomskog rada je prikazati stanje Varaždinske županije u odnosu na (izabrane) županije Republike Hrvatske te analizirati na koji način Varaždinska županija koristi prednosti, odnosno beneficije kohezijske politike. Ujedno će se voditi računa o institucionalnom okviru EU, ali i nacionalnoj razini, važnoj za djelovanje regionalne politike RH. Kako bi se ostvario navedeni cilj rada, u diplomskom radu će se definirati i analizirati ključni pojmovi, modeli i pristupi regionalne politike Republike Hrvatske s naglaskom na Varaždinsku županiju, te kohezijske politike koju provodi Europska unija. Također prikazat će se praćenje trenda promjena regionalnog rasta županija u Republici Hrvatskoj. ; European Union is a unique community of European countries that aims to improve the lives of all European people, ensure peace and security, encourage cooperation and development, economic growth and development and "unite in diversity", which is also the main goal of the European Union. Given its vision and mission, European Union is a unique organization in the world. Cohesion policy is ...
Europska unija je jedinstvena zajednica europskih zemalja koja ima za cilj unaprijediti život svim stanovnicima u Europi te osigurati mir i sigurnost, poticati međusobnu suradnju i razvoj, gospodarski rast i razvoj te "ujediniti se u različitosti", što je ujedno i glavni motiv Europske unije. S obzirom na svoju viziju i misiju, Europska unija je unikatna organizacija u svijetu. Za ostvarenje ciljeva u Europskoj uniji koristi se kohezijska politika. Ona podrazumijeva ostvarivanje pametnog, održivog i uključivog rasta u svim zemljama članicama EU. Kohezijska politika Europske unije je investicijska politika za promicanje ravnomjernog razvoja država članica i njihovih regija. Ona potiče socijalnu, ekonomsku i teritorijalnu koheziju između razvijenih i nerazvijenih zemalja članica. Donosi se za programsko razdoblje u periodu od sedam godina i ujedno je financijski okvir za projekte u gospodarskoj, teritorijalnoj i društvenoj koheziji. Cilj ovog diplomskog rada je prikazati stanje Varaždinske županije u odnosu na (izabrane) županije Republike Hrvatske te analizirati na koji način Varaždinska županija koristi prednosti, odnosno beneficije kohezijske politike. Ujedno će se voditi računa o institucionalnom okviru EU, ali i nacionalnoj razini, važnoj za djelovanje regionalne politike RH. Kako bi se ostvario navedeni cilj rada, u diplomskom radu će se definirati i analizirati ključni pojmovi, modeli i pristupi regionalne politike Republike Hrvatske s naglaskom na Varaždinsku županiju, te kohezijske politike koju provodi Europska unija. Također prikazat će se praćenje trenda promjena regionalnog rasta županija u Republici Hrvatskoj. ; European Union is a unique community of European countries that aims to improve the lives of all European people, ensure peace and security, encourage cooperation and development, economic growth and development and "unite in diversity", which is also the main goal of the European Union. Given its vision and mission, European Union is a unique organization in the world. Cohesion policy is ...
Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne zajednice uključeni u sprječavanju sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije svojim pravnopolitičkim mehanizmima navedeno načelo koje predstavljalo razloge/polazište svih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije nisu znale i mogle zaštiti. Činjenica djelovanja međunarodne zajednice, prvenstveno Europske ekonomske zajednice/Europske unije u skladu s izvorima europskog i međunarodnog javnog prava, te koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme koji su upravo proizlazili iz navedenih izvora, a bez mogućnosti fizičke, stvarne primjene istih prema onima na koje se odnosilo, kao i neaktivnost u angažiranju od početaka sukoba od strane Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, stvarali su subjektivni dojam da ne postoji politička volja oko temeljnih pitanja ključnih za sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira, kao ni volja zaštite međunarodnog prava na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Upravo željom za globalnom dominacijom u novom svjetskom poretku, kao i činjenica dokazivanja Europi da ne može samostalno upravljati i rješavati krize na svom području, Sjedinjene Američke Države preuzele su aktivnu ulogu u rješavanju krize koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme u skladu s odredbama međunarodnog javnog prava, čime su spriječile daljnje sukobe/ratove i postigle mir. Političkom reaktivacijom u odnosu na prostor bivše Jugoslavije, Sjedinjene Američke Države jasno su dokazale svoju političku dominaciju u rješavanju i "upravljanju krizom" na tlu Europe, a ujedno su očuvale svoj i kredibilitet NATO-a i same Europske unije. ; The topic of this dissertation is the analysis of acting through legal and political mechanisms of an international community, namely the actions the European Economic Community (later known as the European Union) had undertaken to prevent conflicts and achieve peace on the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1990 and the first signs of a crisis up to the end of the armed conflicts/wars in 1995 and the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Just when the first signs of the crisis and the first armed conflicts began to appear in the former Yugoslavia, the European Economic Community created the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Also, the Yugoslav crisis took place in parallel with the creation of a new united Europe that faced the challenge of proving to be a regional and global force in the creation of the world policy, as well as proving its ability to independently resolve possible conflicts within its territory without interference from the policy of the United States. The Yugoslav crisis, later manifested in armed conflicts and wars, was a test of the institutional system of the former and future united Europe, a guideline for the institutional development of the European Economic Community, and an indicator of the inability to implement the adopted policies/decisions that would resolve the crisis and prevent conflicts. Armed conflicts/wars and the crisis in the former Yugoslavia were eventually contrary to the spirit of the future united Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inability to find a solution to end the crisis and armed conflicts, as well as to achieve peace, raised the issue of sustainability of such a community. Redrawing the borders perforce by the local policies in the former Yugoslavia with the aim to ensure the settlement of one nation in one state was contrary to the principle of uti possidetis iuris and the rule of law relied upon by the modern Europe after World War II. The European Economic Community, and later the European Union, as well as all the other members of the international community engaged in conflict prevention and achieving peace in the former Yugoslavia, did not know how to use their legal and political mechanisms to protect the aforesaid principle which represented the reasons/starting point for all the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The action of the international community, primarily the European Economic Community/European Union in line with the sources of European and international public law, using the legal and political mechanisms stemming from the aforesaid sources, without the possibility of their actual implementation, as well as the USA's decision not to engage in the conflict from the beginning, created a subjective impression that there is no political will to tackle issues crucial for conflict prevention, achieving peace, and protecting international law in the former Yugoslavia. It was the desire for global domination in the new world order and the desire to show Europe the independence in managing and addressing the crises in its territory that enabled the USA to take an active role in addressing the crisis by using legal and political mechanisms in line with international public law provisions, which prevented further conflicts/wars and ensured peace. Political reactivation in the former Yugoslavia enabled the USA to clearly demonstrate its political domination in "crisis management" in Europe, whilst preserving its own credibility as well as the credibility of NATO and the European Union.
Glavni je problem priopćenja vanjska politika Republike Hrvatske (RH) u vezi s Ustavom BiH jer nedovoljno pridonosi rješavanju društvenih, političkih, ekonomskih, kulturnih itd. slabosti Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) koje mogu i trebaju biti rješavane unutar prava. Ta je politika nedovoljno uspješna jer nije državna, nego strančarska. Matica politike je narodnjačka, tj. etnička. Alternativa zanemaruje činjenicu da je RH, kao stranka Daytonskoga mirovnog sporazuma, čiji je dio Ustav BiH, internacionalnim pravom ovlaštena zahtijevati od drugih stranaka, uključujući BiH, da poštuju i primijene Sporazum. Sporedni je problem priopćenja nedostatna znanstvena spoznaja glavnog problema. Posljedica je pomanjkanja interesa pravnih znanstvenika u RH i previda pravnih slabosti politike. Temeljna je svrha priopćenja priprema istraživačkog projekta unutar integralne pravne znanosti dopunjene izvornom pravnom dogmatikom i prilagođenom pravnopolitičkom analizom. Hipoteze, koje su dijelom ispitane, pripisuju politiku uvjetima te predviđaju razvoj problema ako se politika ne promijeni i ako se prromijeni u skladu s prijedlogom izloženim u priopćenju. ; The paper deals with the main problem of the Republic of Croatia's foreign policy on the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which fails to alleviate the social (political, economic, cultural, etc.) inadequacies of Bosnia and Herzegovina that can and ought to be solved within the limits of the law. It is of meagre success because it is a policy of political parties rather than of a nation-state. The mainstream policy is ethnicist. Its alternative ignores the fact that the Republic of Croatia, as a party to the Dayton Peace Agreement, whose part is the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is by international law entitled to demand other parties, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, to observe and change the Agreement. The subordinate problem is a paucity of knowledge provided by legal scholars in the Republic of Croatia about the main problem. The knowledge deficit is a consequence of the lack of interest in the policy and oversight of its legal ramifications. The principal goal of the paper is the preparation of a research-project within integral legal scholarship supplemented by original legal dogmatics and adjusted policy analysis. The principal hypotheses are that the past policy can be ascribed to Croatian institutions (legalistic order, ethnic state, parochial studies) and their environment (dependence on foreign powers, pre-political and pre-legal conditions of the Croatian population); and that the same policy, even in a stable environment, should be expected to facilitate threats to the very existence of Bosnia and Hercegovina and Bosnian Croats, thus greatly endangering the Republic of Croatia. On the assumption that the environment, as well as the institutions and doctrines improve, the paper proposes a state policy as an alternative to past partisanship, with a view of re-instituting Bosnia and Hercegovina as a functional nation-state, establishing local and cultural autonomy, and retaining the constitution-making power of each major ethnic community in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The expected consequences are the strengthening of Bosnia and Hercegovina, Bosnian Croats, and the Republic of Croatia, in line with the values and principles of the inquiry.
Historian T. Jakovina spoke with the diplomat and ambassador Cvijeto Job. Job took part in the Second World War on the side of the Partisan movement, when he became a member of the Communist Party. The first diplomatic assignments of Cvijeto Job were in Oslo and London. Already in 1950 he is a member of the Yugoslavian diplomatic mission to the United Nations in New York. From 1962 to 1968 he is an advisor to the press in the Yugoslavian embassy in Washington. Following that he returns to Yugoslavia as chief of the Department for the United States of America and Canada in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs, and from 1971 to 1976 he is advisor to the Security Council for the Yugoslavian mission at the UN and the deputy ambassador. From 1980 to 1984 he was named the Yugoslavian ambassador to Cyprus. He was retired in 1989, until which time he had served as chief of the Group for planning politics (GZZP) in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs (SSIP). He left Yugoslavia in 1991 to reside in the United States. He was an associate of the United States Institute of Peace, and now he is an associate of the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington.
Rad problematizira vanjsko-političku situaciju Republike Srbije koja se nalazi između članstva u euroatlantskim integracijama, odnosno koja je vojno neutralna država okruženama članicama Organizacije Sjeveroatlantskog ugovora. Nadalje, u radu se, primjenom istraživačke metode analize sadržaja, analiziraju članci objavljeni na portalima ''Politika Online'' i ''Danas''. Članci uzeti u obzir odabrani su unutar dvomjesečnog roka (svibanj i lipanj 2016. godine). Cilj analize sadržaja jest utvrđivanje usmjerenja medija spram spomenute teme i vanjsko-političke situacije Srbije, kao utvrđivanje općih novinarskih standarda prilikom prenošenja takvih vijesti (poput argumentiranosti, uravnoteženosti i objektivnosti). Članci su razvrstani prema pripadnosti u rubrici, a zatim kronološki. Suvremena dilema Srbije, koja se nalazi i između članstva u Europskoj Uniji, i sa visokim intenzitetom suradnje sa NATO savezom (članica programa Partnerstvo za mir) neobično je važna za sigurnosni aspekt čitavog prostora Jugoistočne Europe. ; This paper reviews the situation of foreign policy of the Republic of Serbia, which is located between membership in Euro-Atlantic integration, and it's military neutrality while surrounded by members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Furthermore, through the application of research methods of content analysis articles analysed were published on the portals '' Politika Online '' and '' Danas ''. Articles were selected within the two-month period (during the months of May and June 2016). The goal of the content analysis is to determine the orientation of the media towards these themes and situation of foreign policy of Serbia, as well as identification of the general journalistic standards when transmitting such news (such as objectivity and balance). Articles are sorted by belonging to thecertain section, and then chronologically. This modern dilemma of Serbia, which is also a member of the European Union, with the high intensity of cooperation with NATO (member of the Partnership for Peace) ...
Završetkom Hladnog rata otvorio se prostor za razvoj odnosa u međunarodnoj zajednici koji pogoduju stvaranju globalnog partnerstva. Iako članak 5. ostaje brand Saveza, nužno je moderniziranje odnosa na relaciji SAD – EU, kao i s ostalim važnim čimbenicima međunarodnih odnosa poput UN-a, OESS-a, Rusije, ali i Kine. Kako su se mijenjali međunarodni odnosi, tako je i Sjevernoatlantski savez tijekom desetljeća svog postojanja prošao različite faze razvoja – od Hladnog rata do pokušaja stvaranja globalnog partnerstva. Djelujući globalno, nameće se potreba za jasnijim definiranjem legitimnosti operacija izvan prostora država članica sukladno međunarodnom pravu. U tom smislu članci 4. i 7. Ugovora dobivaju posebno značenje. Zapravo, imajući u vidu jedinu preostalu misiju tzv. tradicionalnog Saveza u Europi, Lisabonski samit predstavlja velik korak u pravcu završetka NATO-ove vlastite posthladnoratovske tranzicije, ali i doprinos daljnjem procesu izgradnje mira i povjerenja u Jugoistočnoj Europi. ; The end of the Cold War opened the space for developing new relationships in the international community that are conducive to creating global partnerships. Although Article 5 remains the brand of NATO, it is necessary to modernize the relationship between the U.S. and the EU as well as with other important actors in international relations such as the UN, OSCE, Russia and China. With changed international relations through past sixty years, the North Atlantic Alliance has changed itself simultaneously over decades. The Alliance passed through different stages of its own development – from the Cold War era to attempting to create a global partnership. Acting globally, there is a need for defining the legitimate operations outside the territory of Member States under International law. In this sense, Articles 4 and 7 have a special meaning. In fact, bearing in mind the mission of "old" and traditional NATO, the Lisbon Summit represents a major step toward completion of NATO's post-Cold War transition, but also contributes to the process of building long-lasting peace and confidence in Southeast Europe.
Osnovni cilj Europske Unije je promicati mir, stabilnost i gospodarski razvoj u državama zapadnog Balkana, a posljedično i integriranje ovih zemalja u EU. Danas Crna Gora, Srbija, Sjeverna Makedonija i Albanija imaju status zemlje kandidata za ulazak u EU, a Bosna i Hercegovina i Kosovo status zemlje potencijalnog kandidata. Najizgledniji ulazak u Europsku Uniju u bliskoj budućnosti imaju Srbija i Crna Gora koje su napravile već veliki iskorak na svom pristupnom putu, dok druge zemlje također teže bržoj integraciji. Među mnoštvom problema s kojima su suočene, prije svega lošim susjedskim odnosima, uzrok sporog integracijskog procesa leži i u tome što domaće političke elite teško pronalaze kompromis između onoga što Europska Unija zahtjeva od svake države kandidatkinje i onogo što očekuje domaća javnost. Ipak, politika širenja EU-a nalazi se u osnovi nastanka i razvoja EU-a, pa u bliskoj budućnosti možemo vjerovati da će zemlje zapadnog Balkana vremenom integrirati u Europsku Uniju. ; The main goal of the European Union is to promote peace, stability and economic development in the countries of Western Balkans , and consecutively, integration of the aforementioned countries into the EU. Today, Montenegro, Serbia, Northern Macedonia and Albania have the status for future membership of the EU while Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo have the status of potential candidates. Serbia and Montenegro have already made a major leap forwards on their access path, have the best prospects for entering the EU in the near future, with the other countries also striving towards a faster integration. Amongst a myriad of problems they're facing, first and foremost being bad relations with neighbouring countries, the cause for a slow integration process lies also in the fact that domestic political elites find it hard to compromise between what the EU demands of each candidate country and what domestic public expects. However, the EU expansion policy is in the heart of its origin and development. Therefore, it is likely that the ...
Osnovni cilj Europske Unije je promicati mir, stabilnost i gospodarski razvoj u državama zapadnog Balkana, a posljedično i integriranje ovih zemalja u EU. Danas Crna Gora, Srbija, Sjeverna Makedonija i Albanija imaju status zemlje kandidata za ulazak u EU, a Bosna i Hercegovina i Kosovo status zemlje potencijalnog kandidata. Najizgledniji ulazak u Europsku Uniju u bliskoj budućnosti imaju Srbija i Crna Gora koje su napravile već veliki iskorak na svom pristupnom putu, dok druge zemlje također teže bržoj integraciji. Među mnoštvom problema s kojima su suočene, prije svega lošim susjedskim odnosima, uzrok sporog integracijskog procesa leži i u tome što domaće političke elite teško pronalaze kompromis između onoga što Europska Unija zahtjeva od svake države kandidatkinje i onogo što očekuje domaća javnost. Ipak, politika širenja EU-a nalazi se u osnovi nastanka i razvoja EU-a, pa u bliskoj budućnosti možemo vjerovati da će zemlje zapadnog Balkana vremenom integrirati u Europsku Uniju. ; The main goal of the European Union is to promote peace, stability and economic development in the countries of Western Balkans , and consecutively, integration of the aforementioned countries into the EU. Today, Montenegro, Serbia, Northern Macedonia and Albania have the status for future membership of the EU while Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo have the status of potential candidates. Serbia and Montenegro have already made a major leap forwards on their access path, have the best prospects for entering the EU in the near future, with the other countries also striving towards a faster integration. Amongst a myriad of problems they're facing, first and foremost being bad relations with neighbouring countries, the cause for a slow integration process lies also in the fact that domestic political elites find it hard to compromise between what the EU demands of each candidate country and what domestic public expects. However, the EU expansion policy is in the heart of its origin and development. Therefore, it is likely that the Western Balkans countries will eventually enter the EU in the near future.
Na temelju socijalnog institucionalizma i promatrajući neutralnosti iz političke perspektive, ovaj članak istražuje domaće političke rasprave o neutralnosti u Austriji, Švedskoj i Finskoj. Cilj je bio odgovoriti na pitanje kako su se njihovi koncepti neutralnosti rekonceptualizirali u odnosu na europske norme mira, demokracije, slobode, ljudskih prava i vladavine prava tijekom aplikacije za članstvo u EZ/EU . U austrijskom slučaju, neutralnost je uokvirena da bude kompatibilna s članstvom. Međutim, unatoč sličnim normama, švedska neutralnost nije bila prilagodljiva s europskim normama, zbog nacionalne autonomije i iznimne povezanosti s neutralnošću. Konačno, finska neutralnost, prije svega zamišljena i razvijena radi sigurnosnog interesa, nije redefinirana u odnosu s europskim normama, već se smatra sigurnosnim alatom koji bi bio napušten kada bi nestala prijetnja s istoka, kako bi se u potpunosti integrirali sa zapadnom Europom. Ovaj članak dolazi do zaključka da neutralnost nije samo pitanje sigurnosti, već je povezana s kulturnom dimenzijom, što rezultira različitim odnosom naspram europskih normi, otkuda potječu različita tumačenja neutralnosti. To bi u budućnosti moglo imati određene implikacije na uloge tih zemalja u zajedničkoj vanjskoj i sigurnosnoj politici. ; Based on sociological institutionalism and approaching neutrality from a political perspective, this article investigates domestic political debates on neutrality in Austria, Sweden and Finland. The aim was to answer the question how their concepts of neutrality were reconceptualised in relation to European norms of peace, democracy, liberty, human rights and rule of law during their EC/EU membership applications. In the Austrian case, neutrality was framed to be compatible with membership due to its same embedded normative aspects as the European norms. However, despite similar norms, Swedish neutrality was not argued to be adaptable to the European norms because of the notion of national autonomy and exceptionalism associated with neutrality. Finally, Finnish neutrality, first and foremost conceived and develop ed out of security concern, was not redefined with reference to European norms as such, but rather considered a security tool to be abandoned once the threat from the East disappeared in order to get fully integrated with the Western Europe. This article comes to the conclusion that neutrality is not merely a matter of security, but also embedded with cultural dimension, resulting in different reactions with European norms, hence different interpretations of neutrality. This would in the future have a certain implication on those countries' roles in the Common Foreign and Security Policy.
"Kristalna noć" najčešće se povezuje s nacističkim uništavanjem židovske imovine 1938., ali u kontekstu rata u Hrvatskoj neki taj pojam koriste i za uništavanje srpske imovine u Zadru i njegovoj okolici 2. svibnja 1991. Dok se u većini hrvatske javnosti taj događaj ignorira, dio javnosti interpretira ga kao početak progona srpskoga stanovništva u organizaciji Hrvatske demokratske zajednice, zadarskih općinskih vlasti te hrvatske policije. Takav stav uglavnom je posljedica medijskih manipulacija i nema uporište u činjenicama. Premda se dio povjesničara u svojim znanstvenim radovima dotaknuo zbivanja u Zadru početkom svibnja 1991., zadarska "kristalna noć" uglavnom je ostala historiografski neistražena. Rad se temelji na neobjavljenim arhivskim izvorima Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova Republike Hrvatske, Jugoslavenske narodne armije, tisku i relevantnoj literaturi. ; On 2 May 1991, Serbian property in Zadar and its surrounding area came under attack. The attacks took place after months of tensions between Croats and Serbs, and later became known as the 'Night of Broken Glass'. These tensions were the direct consequence of the Serbian armed rebellion that erupted in northern Dalmatia, Lika, and the hinterland of Zadar in August 1991. The public security system that met the rebellion was created in January 1990, when the Secretariat of the Interior for the area of the Benkovac, Biograd na Moru, Obrovac, Pag, and Zadar municipalities was established in Zadar. In this area, Croats were an absolute majority in the Biograd na Moru and Zadar municipalities, and the Serbs in the Benkovac and Obrovac municipalities. The rebellion prompted divisions not only among the population, but also among the police. By January 1991, most policemen of Serbian nationality had left the Zadar police force and joined the rebels. Despite being weakened in terms of manpower, the Zadar police for the most part managed to successfully preserve public safety. The security situation worsened after a skirmish between Croatian police and rebel Serbs at the Plitvice Lakes on 31 March 1991. A significant increase in shootings, setting of bombs, road blockades, and other forms of criminal activity, mostly nationally motivated, was recorded. In addition to the rebel Serbs, the instability was caused by the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA), which deployed its forces in Zadar's hinterland in early April 1991, causing alarm among the Croatian population. This deployment was part of a broader plan through which the YPA sought to set up a 'buffer zone' in order to close off the areas held by rebel Serbs and prevent the Croatian police from interfering. On 2 May 1991, the security situation throughout Croatia, and therefore in the area under the jurisdiction of the Zadar police, collapsed. Serb rebels killed 12 Croatian policemen in Borovo Selo near Vukovar, and severely wounded Zadar policeman Franko Lisica in Polača near Biograd na Moru; he soon died of his wounds. Despite the Croatian authorities' calls for peace, spontaneous unrest erupted throughout Croatia, and Serbian property and companies were attacked. Furthermore, there were incidents involving the YPA. The mood of the Croatian population in Zadar after the murder of the policeman Lisica was similar to that in other parts of Croatia. Despite the municipal authorities' calls for peace and their organising of a peaceful protest march, various uncoordinated groups demolished and plundered Serbian property on 2 May. The Zadar police failed to stop them because most of the policemen were engaged in the area affected by the Serb rebellion, while others were busy protecting the residential buildings in Zadar in which members of the YPA and their families resided. Soon, due to a feeling of insecurity, a mass exodus of Serbs from Zadar took place; these Serbs took refuge in the areas occupied by the rebels. Apart from the Zadar Serbs, Croats in the areas held by Serb rebels also began to leave their homes in early May 1991. On 1 May 1991, rebel Serbs drove many Croats from the areas around Knin. On the night of 6 to 7 May, as an act of revenge for the events in Zadar, the property of Croats, Albanians, and Croatian companies was attacked and plundered. Different sources give different data regarding the extent of the damage caused to Serbian property. Criminal charges raised by the Croatian police against unknown perpetrators on 2 May 1991 mention that 175 catering establishments, commercial premises, stands, kiosks, and automobiles were damaged. Apart from the property of Serbs, property belonging to Croats, Muslims, Roma, and Croatian companies was also damaged. There are numerous prejudices and controversies regarding the 'Night of Broken Glass', which mostly ignore the then security-political context. Certainly, there were those among the Croats who did not consider the attacks on Serbian property and their exodus from Zadar as anything controversial, but available sources clearly point towards the conclusion that the destruction of Serbian property was not organised and was not a part of the policy of the Croatian leadership.
U radu autorica progovara o uspješnosti provedbe demilitarizacije unutar uspostavljenih mirovnih operacija Ujedinjenih naroda na okupiranom području istočne Slavonije u razdoblju od 1992. do 1995. Analizom neobjavljene arhivske dokumentacije, objavljenih arhivskih izvora, onodobne periodike i recentne znanstvene literature možemo zaključiti kako najvažnija mandatna zadaća dogovorena Vanceovim planom nije uspješno provedena. Kao glavni razlozi konačne ocjene o neuspješnosti demilitarizacije izdvajaju se opetovana nesuradnja i provođenje politike opstrukcije krajinskih Srba, nepripremljenost i nemoć razmještenih mirovnih snaga te stalno kršenje vojne nepristranosti i političke neutralnosti, prvenstveno ruskog bataljuna. Okupirano istočnoslavonsko područje 1992. ulazi u sastav Zaštićenih zona Ujedinjenih naroda pod nazivom Sektor Istok, a nadzor sektora i provođenje dogovorenih zadaća pripao je ruskom i belgijsko – luksemburškom bataljunu mirovnih snaga Ujedinjenih naroda. Mandatna zadaća demilitarizacije bila je prvi i najvažniji preduvjet za stabilizaciju stanja na navedenom području te za ispunjenje ostalih dogovorenih zadaća, drugim riječima, za konačnu uspješnost cjelokupne mirovne misije. Međutim, već sam pokušaj provedbe demilitarizacije razotkrio je svu nemoć mirovnih snaga kao i krajnji cilj krajinskih Srba uz potporu snaga Jugoslavenske narodne armije – izigravanje postignutog dogovora o demilitarizaciji. Uslijedio je neuspjeh mirovnih snaga u izvršenju prve i najvažnije zadaće što je rezultiralo kaotičnom sigurnosnom situacijom u istočnom sektoru u promatranom razdoblju te nepromijenjenim stanjem na okupiranom području, a na kraju i konačnim neuspjehom mirovnih operacija u istočnoj Slavoniji. ; In this paper the author speaks of how successfully the demilitarization was implemented within the peace operations of the United Nations in the occupied territory of Eastern Slavonia in the period from 1992 into 1995. From a consideration of the analysis of unpublished archival documents, published archival sources, the newspapers of the time and recent scholarly literature, the conclusion can be drawn that implementation of the most significant mandatory assignment stipulated by the Vance plan was not successful. The main reasons why the demilitarisation can be considered unsuccessful were perpetual lack of cooperation, the obstruction policy of the Krajina Serbs, the unpreparedness and the incapacity of the peacekeeping forces deployed as well as the constant violation of military impartiality and political neutrality, particularly that of the Russian Battalion. The occupied Eastern Slavonian area became part of the United Nations Safe Areas in 1992 as Sector East; the Russian and the Belgian-Luxemburg Battalion of the United Nations peacekeeping forces were charged with the supervision of the sector and the implementation of the agreed assignments. The mandatory assignment to demilitarize was the first and most significant precondition for the stabilization of the area and the fulfilment of other assignments agreed upon, in other words, for the success of the entire peacekeeping mission. However, the attempt to implement the demilitarization revealed the incapacity of the peacekeeping forces as well as the main objective of the Krajina Serbs supported by the Yugoslav People's Army – to circumvent the demilitarization agreement. The peacekeeping forces failed to fulfil their main and most important assignment; the result was a chaotic safety situation in the Eastern Sector during the time of observance, no changes in the occupied territory and eventually the failure of the peacekeeping actions in Eastern Slavonia.
