Suchergebnisse

The Nordic Region offers innovative interpretative approaches and models to overcome the "dilemma between security and prosperity". In this region, integration and fragmentation have been well-balanced and grounded on diversity. The first aim of this article is to explain the reasons for peace in Nordic Europe, a task sometimes more difficult than explaining wars. Historical cases of pacific resolution of disputes and the possible reasons for those policies are considered. Finally, the theoretical foundations of these approaches and how they influenced the political institutions are also analyzed.

Plurality of cultures has always existed, but only in modern times of quick & easy communication has it become part of daily human experience, creating a new type of awareness. Diplomacy & intercultural dialogue gain a brand new value & responsibility when it is possible to access massive quantities of information through the Internet & citizens of a country come from all over the world. Diplomacy ensures peaceful relations ultimately affecting the overall well-being of a country even though it cannot rely on a system of rules & a criminal code. Diplomats' main instrument is a respectful & civil behavior even when facing pressing issues such as fundamentalism, nationalism, & war. M. Williamson

Discusses the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union, designed to maintain peace in Europe, as stated in the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, its intergovernmental and federal features, and relationship to the Western European Union (WEU) and Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). Summary in English. Some focus on the potential CFSP contribution to maintenance of peace worldwide.

In the aftermath of the triumphant victory of Ariel Sharon, the Israeli nationalist rightist-center LICUD party absorbed the great majority of the rival leftist-center MAARACH party, led by Shimon Perez. The merging of the parties & reconciliation of these adversaries ruling jointly in the name of national unity are explored. Topics include the legacy of Prime Minister Ehud Barak, problems with the Oslo Peace Accords, Peres's role in explaining Sharon's policies in the US & Europe, political errors made by both Peres & Sharon, & the roots of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. J. Sadler

After the beginning of the experience of the center-left government in the early sixties, Italy proposes an independent and original foreign policy, consistent with its position in the Mediterranean, across the border between East and West. The preferred partner within the Warsaw Pact is Romania, considered the vanguard of a political process of internal liberalization and of political emancipation of Eastern Europe from Soviet-communism. So far, the limited historiography on the Italo-Romanian relationships has taken into account almost exclusively the economic and trade agreements. This paper, on the basis of largely unpublished documentation at the Senato della Repubblica and at the Central State's Archive in Italy, analyzes instead the main international issues of the meetings between Bucharest and Rome, namely the Détente, the Sino-Soviet conflict, the peace building in the South-East Asia, the Middle-East, the CSCE. The unpublished diary of statesman Amintore Fanfani, Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1965 to 1968, reveals how the Italian ruling class has a substantial confidence in Ion Gheorghe Maurer and Corneliu Mănescu and high expectations around an alleged non-alignment of Romania. On the other hand, the correspondence from the Italian Embassy in Bucharest for Aldo Moro (Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1969 to 1972 and from 1973 to 1974), describes the violent and authoritarian temper of the regime established by Ceauşescu in his country. In any case the Italian strategy seems then to reappraise the special partnership with Romania, in favor of a multilateral approach to the problem of Détente within the continental conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe.