Suchergebnisse

It should be noted that in the Republic of Poland in the years 1918–1939 the main state institutions in the field of provisioning were: in the period of 1918–1921 the Ministry of Provisioning, in the years 1921–1938 the Ministry of the Interior, and in the years 1938–1939 the Ministry of Agriculture and Agricultural Reforms. Of course, in the entire interwar period for the provision of state supplies, and especially its main supply subsystems, such as urban population (various categories of cities and settlements), rural population (individual regions of the country), Polish army, public administration, state enterprises, industrial plants, etc. many specialized state (administrative) institutions, self-government structures, business entities and social organizations worked. However, it should be emphasized with all force that the concepts of the provisioning policy, and then the forms and methods of its implementation arose in the central and supreme institutions of the state, which, by virtue of government laws and ordinances, received competences in this respect. It should be recalled that for a great part of the interwar period the supreme state institution in the field of food supply policy was the Ministry of the Interior. Therefore, without knowing the twists and turns of the administrative policy of the Interior Ministers in the field of food supply, it is impossible to understand the ways of provisioning the society during the Second Polish Republic, and especially the forms, methods and problems related to the provisioning of the Polish Army. Finally, it should be noted that the provisioning system of the Polish State – starting from its very beginning – has although sometimes with difficulty, coped with not only the burden of provisioning the Polish society with food and necessities, but also the provisioning of the Polish army during the wars (1918–1921), during peace (1921–1939) as well as during the German-Polish war of 1939.

The aim of the article is to analyze theWeimar Triangle's influence on the European security, focusing on the Polish-German and French-German relations, as they play a key role in forming a geostrategic and geopolitical structure in the European context. The way in which the European Union's member states cooperated with Poland is a symbol of reconciliation for those three great nations. The objective of this initiative was to transform an area of the bygone fierce European wars into a pillar of the continent's security. According to the author, theWeimar Triangle may serve as a perfect example of how the differences between the Central andWestern Europe in terms of the standards of living could be reduced and how the technological and civilizational gulf could be neutralized in order to guarantee peace and stability in the whole of Europe. Nowadays, the foundation and development of ESDP/CSDP is a chance for good inter-ally relations, while the most serious challenges for the Triangle's countries include dealing with both the eastern policy and energy policy. ; The aim of the article is to analyze theWeimar Triangle's influence on the European security, focusing on the Polish-German and French-German relations, as they play a key role in forming a geostrategic and geopolitical structure in the European context. The way in which the European Union's member states cooperated with Poland is a symbol of reconciliation for those three great nations. The objective of this initiative was to transform an area of the bygone fierce European wars into a pillar of the continent's security. According to the author, theWeimar Triangle may serve as a perfect example of how the differences between the Central andWestern Europe in terms of the standards of living could be reduced and how the technological and civilizational gulf could be neutralized in order to guarantee peace and stability in the whole of Europe. Nowadays, the foundation and development of ESDP/CSDP is a chance for good inter-ally relations, while the most serious challenges for the Triangle's countries include dealing with both the eastern policy and energy policy.

Yersinia pestis (formerly Pasteurella pestis) is a type of bacterium. It is believed to have been responsible for plagues of the early 1300s. More accurately, it is a Gram-negative rod-shaped coccobacillus. It is a facultative anaerobe that can infect humans and other animals. Human Y. pestis infection takes three main forms: pneumonic, septicemic, and bubonic plagues. All three forms are widely believed to have been responsible for a number of high-mortality epidemics throughout human history, including the Justinianic Plague of the sixth century and the Black Death that accounted for the death of at least one-third of the European population between 1347 and 1353. It has now been shown conclusively that these plagues originated in rodent populations in China. More recently, Y. pestis has gained attention as a possible biological warfare agent and the CDC has classified it as a category A pathogen requiring preparation for a possible terrorist attack. Every year, thousands of cases of plague are still reported to the World Health Organization, although, with proper treatment, the prognosis for victims is now much better. A five- to six-fold increase in cases occurred in Asia during the time of the Vietnam war, possibly due to the disruption of ecosystems and closer proximity between people and animals. Plague also has a detrimental effect on non-human mammals. In the United States of America, animals such as the black-tailed prairie dog and the endangered black-footed ferret are under threat from the disease.

Terrorism is defined as use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to indulge fear; intended to coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are generally political, social or religious. Bioterrorism is terrorism by intentional release or dissemination of biological agents, mainly bacteria or viruses. Use of biological weapons is attractive from the terrorists' point of view because of low production costs, major range and easiness of transmission. The first mention of the use of primitive biological weapons date back to the 6th century. Use of plague-infested corpses as offensive means in the 14th century caused a spread of bubonic plague through the whole Europe. The biggest development of biological weapons took place in the interwar period and in the cold war era. Biological weapon trails and research were conducted by super powers such as USSR, UK, USA and Japan. At the beginning of the 20th century a new form of bioterrorism occurred, which put humanity in the face of a terrifying threat. Cholera is a deadly disease that has caused a worldwide phenomenon throughout history. Its imperative weapon, the Vibrio cholerae bacterium, has allowed cholera to seize control and wipe out a huge percentage of the human population. V. cholerae's toxins are the primary causes of cholera's lethal symptoms. The bacterium contains toxins that help it accomplish its job of invading the human system and defeating the body's powerful immune system. With its sibling bacterium Escherichia coli, V. cholerae has become one of the most dominant pathogens in the known world. V. cholerae's strategies in causing the infamous deadly diarrhea have been widely studied, from the irritation of the intestinal epithelium to the stimulation of capillary leakage, as well as the internal effects of the disease such as the Peyer's patches on the intestinal walls. Overall, the Vibrio cholera bacterium has made cholera a tough disease to overcome, and because of its deadly virulence factors, cholera has become one of the most frightening diseases a human body could ever encounter. Vibrio cholerae is a Gram-negative, comma-shaped bacterium. Some strains of V. cholerae cause the disease cholera. V. cholerae is facultatively anaerobic and has a flagellum at one cell pole. V. cholerae was first isolated as the cause of cholera by Italian anatomist Filippo Pacini in 1854, but his discovery was not widely known until Robert Koch, working independently 30 years later, publicized the knowledge and the means of fighting the disease. V. cholerae pathogenicity genes code for proteins directly or indirectly involved in the virulence of the bacteria. During infection, V. cholerae secretes cholera toxin, a protein that causes profuse, watery diarrhea. Colonization of the small intestine also requires the toxin coregulated pilus (TCP), a thin, flexible, filamentous appendage on the surface of bacterial cells.

Terrorism is defined as use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to indulge fear; intended to coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are generally political, social or religious. Bioterrorism is terrorism by intentional release or dissemination of biological agents, mainly bacteria or viruses. Use of biological weapons is attractive from the terrorists' point of view because of low production costs, major range and easiness of transmission. The first mention of the use of primitive biological weapons date back to the 6th century. Use of plague-infested corpses as offensive means in the 14th century caused a spread of bubonic plague through the whole Europe. The biggest development of biological weapons took place in the interwar period and in the cold war era. Biological weapon trails and research were conducted by super powers such as USSR, UK, USA and Japan. At the beginning of the 20th century a new form of bioterrorism occurred, which put humanity in the face of a terrifying threat.

Artykuł przedstawia politykę USA wobec Turcji od zakończenia I wojny światowej do schyłku 1920 r. Politykę tę w zasadniczy sposób kształtowało antytureckie oraz proormiańskie nastawienie prezydenta Thomasa Woodrow Wilsona. Pomimo że USA nie były w stanie wojny z Turcją, delegacja amerykańska aktywnie uczestniczyła w dyskusjach konferencji pokojowej w Paryżu na temat przyszłości tego państwa. Amerykański prezydent miał także duży wpływ na decyzję o podziałach mandatowych Bliskiego Wschodu. The article presents the policy towards Turkey pursued by the United States in the period from the end of the Great War to the late 1920s. The policy was shaped to a large extent by anti-Turkish and pro-Armenian attitude of President Thomas Woodrow Wilson. Despite the fact that the United States were not at war with Turkey, the American delegation actively participated in talks of the Peace Conference in Paris about the future of Turkey. The American president had also great impact on the decision about mandate divisions of the Near East.

Artykuł przedstawia politykę USA wobec Turcji od zakończenia I wojny światowej do schyłku 1920 r. Politykę tę w zasadniczy sposób kształtowało antytureckie oraz proormiańskie nastawienie prezydenta Thomasa Woodrow Wilsona. Pomimo że USA nie były w stanie wojny z Turcją, delegacja amerykańska aktywnie uczestniczyła w dyskusjach konferencji pokojowej w Paryżu na temat przyszłości tego państwa. Amerykański prezydent miał także duży wpływ na decyzję o podziałach mandatowych Bliskiego Wschodu. The article presents the policy towards Turkey pursued by the United States in the period from the end of the Great War to the late 1920s. The policy was shaped to a large extent by anti-Turkish and pro-Armenian attitude of President Thomas Woodrow Wilson. Despite the fact that the United States were not at war with Turkey, the American delegation actively participated in talks of the Peace Conference in Paris about the future of Turkey. The American president had also great impact on the decision about mandate divisions of the Near East.

The article explores Turkey's ambitions to assume a proactive role as a mediator in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. Positioned as a middle power striving to enhance its global standing, Turkey has dedicated itself to striking a delicate balance between Russia and Ukraine in its foreign policy. This is exemplified by Ankara's engagement in an ambiguous cooperative rivalry with Russia while strengthening its partnership with Ukraine, including military cooperation in the Black Sea Region. Given these circumstances, Turkey sees itself as naturally inclined to act as a facilitator in brokering a ceasefire and bringing about peace between the two conflicting parties. Some successes have already been achieved, with the grain initiative being a primary example thereof.

The author's goal is to analyze the impact of changes in the international security environment on the defense policy of New Zealand in the second decade of the 21st century. It was found that the changes have a direct impact on New Zealand's policy during the governments lead by the National Party. The evidence can be found in the documents and decisions e.g. increase of defence spending and modernization of armed forces. Moreover, the start of developing the national security policy, which combines a number of different policies regarding state's security. There is no doubt that the National Party implemented a program of strengthening defence capabilities. The author will prove that it happened due to new threats to international security. The content of documents issued in the years 2008–2016 cleary confirm that argument eg. military spending of 20 billion NZD in the coming years. It should be considered as a correct direction because of opposing the negative consequences of changes in the natural environment, the growing role of the People's Republic of China, the nature of contemporary armed conflicts and terrorism is possible only by using a holistic approach to security. This point of view is strongly supported by an opinion that geographic isolation is no longer a guarantee of peace for New Zealand. It is impossible in the times of the 21st Century globalization and the rapid technological development manifested by a series of new, previously unknown cyber-threats. These are particularly dangerous for New Zealand's society due to the level of use of new technologies in ordinary life.To sum it up, the author of the issue will be based on the neorealist perspective and try to prove that the changes in the international security environment have direct impact on the defence and security policy of New Zealand. Key words: New Zealand; defence policy; national security policy; international security environment; New Zealand Defence Force. ; Celem Autora jest analiza wpływu zmian w międzynarodowym środowisku bezpieczeństwa na politykę obronną Nowej Zelandii w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku. Stwierdzono, że zachodzące zmiany mają bezpośredni wpływ na politykę nowozelandzką w czasie rządów, na których czele stała Partia Narodowa. Ich odzwierciedleniem jest zawartość dokumentów dotyczących polityki w wymienionym obszarze i wynikające z nich działania m.in. wzrost wydatków na obronność wraz z towarzyszącym mu programem modernizacyjnym sił zbrojnych Nowej Zelandii. Dodatkowo zaś ze względu na charakter współczesnych wyzwań i zagrożeń bezpieczeństwa rządzący państwem zdecydowali się rozpocząć budowę kompleksowej polityki bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Biorąc to pod uwagę można stwierdzić, że Partia Narodowa realizowała swoje postulaty przedwyborcze, w których akcentowano konieczność wzmacniania zdolności obronnych, w szczególności rozwoju nowozelandzkich sił zbrojnych oraz integracji prowadzonych polityk związanych z bezpieczeństwem państwa. Zawartość dokumentów wydanych w latach 2008–2016 wyraźnie dowodzi działań w tym kierunku. Należy je uznać za słuszne, ponieważ przeciwstawienie się negatywnym konsekwencjom zmian w środowisku naturalnym, rosnącej roli Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej, charakterowi współczesnych konfliktów zbrojnych oraz obawom o rozwój organizacji terrorystycznych, możliwe jest przy zastosowaniu całościowego podejścia do bezpieczeństwa. Odpowiada temu pogląd głoszony silnie w tym okresie, że geograficzna izolacja nie jest już gwarantem pokoju dla Nowozelandczyków. Trudno bowiem o to nie tylko w czasach XXI wiecznej globalizacji, ale i tak gwałtownego rozwoju technologicznego przejawiającego się szeregiem nowych, nieznanych wcześniej cyber-zagrożeń. Analiza zagadnienia prowadzona będzie w oparciu o perspektywę neorealistyczną.Słowa kluczowe: Nowa Zelandia; polityka obronna; polityka bezpieczeństwa narodowego; międzynarodowe środowisko bezpieczeństwa; Siły Obronne Nowej Zelandii.

The author distinguishes threats to international security from challenges faced by the security policy of states and collective international actors but approaches them as a certain continuum. The following phenomena are considered threats and challenges in the second decade of the 21st century: military threats (nuclear weapons and their proliferation, conventional weapons and huge military spending), terrorism, other threats (cybernetic, economic and energy-related, ecological), as well as the migration challenge. A separate major challenge, which the author analyses in detail, is the reconfiguration of the international order that has been taking place for more than a decade now. The author believes that this reconfiguration constitutes a serious challenge to the West, including to its security policy. In order to take up this challenge, benefit from it and prevent the emergence of new threats to international security, the West needs to not only consolidate its security system but also engage in dialogue and cooperation with the emerging competitors and rivals challenging the West's global leadership (the emerging powers from BRICS), as the American political scientist Charles Kupchan proposed in 2010, emphasising that lasting peace can be achieved by turning enemies into friends. It is, however, uncertain what kind of foreign policy will be conducted by the new US President, Donald Trump, elected in November 2016.

Bałkany Zachodnie od lat zajmują istotne miejsce w polityce Unii Europejskiej, która postrzega ten region jako istotny z punktu widzenia bezpieczeństwa europejskiego. Jednym ze sposobów stabilizacji i umacniania pokoju w regionie jest jego zbliżenie ze strukturami unijnej współpracy. Proces ten jest determinowany różnorodnymi czynnikami natury politycznej, społecznej, gospodarczej, kulturowej. W artykule uwaga została skoncentrowana na analizie determinantów procesu zbliżenia Albanii z UE, określeniu perspektyw jej akcesji do Unii, oraz wyartykułowaniu korzyści płynących z poszerzenia UE o państwa Bałkanów Zachodnich. Dodatkowo zwraca się uwagę na możliwe implikacje akcesji Albanii z perspektywy bezpieczeństwa UE. ; The Western Balkans has for years been an important player in the policy of the European Union, which sees the region as an important region for European security. One way to stabilise and consolidate peace in the region is to bring it closer to EU cooperation structures. This process is determined by various political, social, economic and cultural factors. The article focuses on the analysis of the determinants of the process of bringing Albania closer to the EU, defining the prospects for its accession to the EU, and articulating the benefits of EU enlargement to include the countries of the Western Balkans. In addition, attention is drawn to the possible implications of Albania's accession from an EU security perspective.

Bałkany Zachodnie od lat zajmują istotne miejsce w polityce Unii Europejskiej, która postrzega ten region jako istotny z punktu widzenia bezpieczeństwa europejskiego. Jednym ze sposobów stabilizacji i umacniania pokoju w regionie jest jego zbliżenie ze strukturami unijnej współpracy. Proces ten jest determinowany różnorodnymi czynnikami natury politycznej, społecznej, gospodarczej, kulturowej. W artykule uwaga została skoncentrowana na analizie determinantów procesu zbliżenia Albanii z UE, określeniu perspektyw jej akcesji do Unii, oraz wyartykułowaniu korzyści płynących z poszerzenia UE o państwa Bałkanów Zachodnich. Dodatkowo zwraca się uwagę na możliwe implikacje akcesji Albanii z perspektywy bezpieczeństwa UE. ; The Western Balkans has for years been an important player in the policy of the European Union, which sees the region as an important region for European security. One way to stabilise and consolidate peace in the region is to bring it closer to EU cooperation structures. This process is determined by various political, social, economic and cultural factors. The article focuses on the analysis of the determinants of the process of bringing Albania closer to the EU, defining the prospects for its accession to the EU, and articulating the benefits of EU enlargement to include the countries of the Western Balkans. In addition, attention is drawn to the possible implications of Albania's accession from an EU security perspective.

The US — Jordan relations, both during and after the Cold War, can be described as close, based on the pursuit of common goals and mutual respect. Although the United States of America and the Kingdom of Jordan have never concluded a formal treaty with each other, they cooperated on many levels, in the Middle‑Eastern region and internationally, both during the second half of the 20th century and in the first two decades of the 21st century. Despite the complex geopolitical situation in the Middle East, re‑occurring threats and challenges that may have weakened the bilateral relations between the two states, the informal alliance between the US and Jordan have survived, which is indicative of the importance of these relations and the strength of the partnership. The place and role of Amman in the foreign policy of Washington have many aspects and dimensions. One can observe certain evolution of the position that consecutive American governments attributed to Jordan depending on conditions that have been both extra‑regional (the Cold War rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union) and intra‑regional (the three Gulf Wars, the Middle‑Eastern peace process). It is also important to emphasize that after the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, the mutual relations have gained a different, more strategic dimension. Hence, it can be argued that Jordan's importance in the US foreign policy has only reached its pinnacle during the post‑Cold War era. The present article seeks to pinpoint the place and role of the Kingdom of Jordan in the US policy towards the Middle East after the Cold War and to define the character of the relationship between the two states. Its main goal is to identify and describe both positive and negative factors determining the US — Jordan relations. The article will also attempt to answer the questions about the extent to which the Arab Spring has influenced the shape of the mutual links between Washington and Amman.

Bioterrorism is a complex and dynamic phenomenon, occurring in various forms. It is difficult now to define a uniform definition of terrorism that is changing under the influence of the development of civilization, and especially the rapid progress in scientific and technical knowledge. The terrorists perfectly use the latest achievements of biological sciences in their terrorist attacks. The purpose of this article is to bring the phenomenon of bioterrorism.

Bioterrorism is a multi-faceted phenomenon and dynamic, occurring in various forms. It is difficult now to define a uniform definition of terrorism that is changing under the influence of the development of civilization, and especially the rapid scientific progress. The terrorists perfectly use the latest achievements of biological sciences in their terrorist attacks. The purpose of this article is to bring the phenomenon of bioterrorism.