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The main task of the Swiss security policy up to the collapse of the bipolar system was the country's military defense. The content of its defense doctrine was elaborated on & further expanded as total defense in the non-military direction. The end of the cold war marked a departure from the classical defense doctrine & also relativized the mythological character of permanent neutrality, forcing Switzerland to redefine its security policy in the altered European security setting. The expansion of the concept of security went hand in hand with an increased interest in international peace efforts & international cooperation. In the meantime, Switzerland's instruments & activities have multiplied in both fields. In certain aspects, eg, the control of the policy of disarmament & armament, Switzerland has excelled. Concerning the new forms of threats & intimidation it has shown willingness for across-the-border cooperation, while the traditional formula security through neutrality & independence increasingly gives way to the new motto: Security through cooperation -- a shift from its time-honored foreign- & security/political course of restrictive & detached attitude towards a more intensive cooperation. Although conceptually the development of Swiss security policy & consequently its shift towards some peace policy has not been even remotely supported by a satisfactory redistribution of financial & personal resources, the Swiss military reform -- introduced in early 2004 -- is de facto a conceptual accommodation of the Swiss military force to the new plan on European security. Switzerland has become a member of the PfP although, due to its policy of neutrality, it is not planning to join the NATO. Nevertheless, Switzerland is vacillating between the EU membership & a more substantial rapprochement with the NATO, at the same time putting all its hopes into the development of global management under the direction of the United Nations & the joint security system. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

The paper analyzes the link between Kant's 'Perpetual peace' and the democratic peace paradigm with which contemporary International Relations are being interpreted. In doing so, the monadic and dyadic versions of liberal theory of democratic peace are explained through the institutional-structural and cultural-normative models. The theory of democratic peace is critically analyzed, with emphasis on the causal relationship between the independent variable, the democratic regime, and the dependent variable, peace. Empirical studies of cases in which the crises among democratic states have not resulted in war are also questioned, which brings into doubt the causal logic of the theory itself. In critical thought about the democratic peace theory, special emphasis is placed on the realistic interpretation of causes that are believed to contribute to democratic peace, as well as on the existence of the so-called 'democratic war'. There exist a number of factors explaining this foreign policy behavior of democracies and their hiding behind the theses of the theory of democratic peace. An example is the position of power that democracy occupies in International Relations, with which, aside from liberal dependent variables, realistic variables must be taken into account as well, such as the concentration of power, economic interdependence and national interest. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyzes the changed concept of security in the post-Cold War era, its importance for the international community as a whole, & its basic values. Special attention is given to the indivisibility & mutual conditions of the security problem, democracy, & markets. The research approach is multidisciplinary & aimed at an analysis of the war against Croatia within the context of the post-Cold War era & its associated obstacles to reaching peace & stability. The roots, causes, & inducements to conflict are determined & the assumptions for peace & stability in the region are researched. Starting with the case of Croatia & the consequences of international crisis caused by aggressive Serbian policy of expansion, the author offers a suggestion for a new security concept -- the concept of metasecurity -- for the era after the Cold War. 33 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Partnership for Peace (PfP), created by NATO in Brussels in 1994, was an integral part of the Clinton administration's foreign policy toward Europe, based on the premise of a strong, viable NATO & democratic, US-friendly Europe. The military, political, & economic advantages the creation of PfP presented to the US are pointed out. Due to the Balkan War & Franjo Tudman's refusal to accept the Dayton agreement, Croatia was denied a PfP membership. However, following the Croatian president's death, his successors were eager to embark on the process of democratic changes in their country & thus please the Clinton administration by meeting its conditions for PfP membership, including (1) the acceptance of the Dayton agreement vis-a-vis the territorial integrity of Bosnia & Herzegovina, (2) cooperation with the International Tribunal in The Hague, (3) the facilitation of the return of war refugees, & (4) concrete steps on the democratization of the regime (free mass media, free elections, changes in the electoral law). It is noted that Croatia was accepted into the PfP to show other Balkan states, especially Serbia, that there are rewards for going democratic & showing willingness to cooperate with the West. Since NATO does not plan to increase its membership soon, PfP seems to be, for the time being, the principal format within which the security of Croatia & peace in the Balkans can be preserved. Z. Dubiel

In its 45 years of existence, NATO has evolved dramatically. This has occurred due to the changes happening within the alliance itself (increased number of member countries, changes within the countries, & in the relations among them) & to the influence of outside factors ensuing from the developments in international relations in general & within the adversarial bloc in particular. The cessation of the Cold War & the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact in the early 1990s confronted NATO with new challenges, particularly in relation to the countries of Eastern & Southeastern Europe & Russia. The fact that the document "Partnership for Peace" was adopted at the start of 1994 (representing a platform for the relations with the countries of "new democracy") & that it was signed by 26 countries meant the overall acceptance of the conceptual document of European security on the threshold of the 21st century. This document provides democratic countries outside NATO with the possibility of cooperating with its political & military bodies & paves the way for their full membership. If regular criteria were applied, Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina could count on joining "Partnership for Peace" only after they have resolved internal conflicts & frictions with their neighbors by political means. Nevertheless, depending on further developments in the region, it is possible that Croatia might jump the queue & be accepted in "Partnership for Peace" before its turn. 2 Tables, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

The history of nuclear energy, as one of the possible ways out of energy crisis, & the transition into the post-oil period is analyzed. Since its discovery, nuclear energy has been used for military purposes & consequently shrouded in mystery & volatility. The coalition formed during WWII found the new legitimacy for the continuation of nuclear power use via its program "Atoms for Peace." The atomic bomb has evolved into atoms for peace, a complementary means by which the US has been trying to secure global domination through nuclear technology. The program has not achieved its objectives, although external conditions should have warranted that. Adapted from the source document.