Für das offene und global vernetzte Deutschland hängen die Sicherheit der Welt und die der europäischen Nachbarschaft untrennbar mit der eigenen zusammen. Inmitten dieser globalen Verflechtungen krankt die deutsche Sicherheitspolitik jedoch an vielerlei Fehleinschätzungen. Angesichts der Verschlechterung der strategischen Lage muss die neue Bundesregierung die Kraft zu einer Erneuerung der deutschen Sicherheitspolitik finden. Ansonsten droht Deutschland der Verlust von Handlungsspielräumen und die Vereinnahmung durch strategische Herausforderer.
A comparative study of peace movements of the early 1980s in the US, Germany, & New Zealand focuses on how their impact on foreign policy issues was influenced by interrelationships between domestic & international factors to explore the broader issue of the policy influence of movements. Relevant literature is reviewed, & mechanisms that heighten a social movement's impact on a nation's foreign policy are outlined. It is shown that, while peace movement members helped to win an important national election in New Zealand & lose one in Germany, they were a minor electoral threat in the US. However, the peace movement played an important role in ending the Cold War & preventing sustained aggressive security policies by changing political alliances & promoting policy alternatives. International constraints on the outcomes of peace movements on domestic foreign policy are discussed. These three cases reveal many different ways that protest movements can impact both foreign & domestic policy, including short-term effects & long-term changes in the political culture. J. Lindroth
In: Jenseits der Bipolarität: Aufbruch in eine "neue Weltordnung"; Dokumentation einer Tagung der Evangelischen Akademie Loccum vom 24. bis 26. April 1992, S. 179-230
"Post-conflict reconstruction is understood as a complex system that provides for simultaneous short-, medium- and long-term programmes to prevent disputes from escalating, avoid a relapse into violent conflict and to build and consolidate sustainable peace. Post-conflict reconstruction is ultimately aimed at addressing the root causes of a conflict and to lay the foundations for social justice and sustainable peace. Post-conflict reconstruction systems proceed through three broad phases, namely the emergency phase, the transition phase and the development phase; however, they should not be understood as absolute, fixed, time-bound or having clear boundaries. Post-conflict reconstruction systems have five dimensions: (1) security; (2) political transition, governance and participation; (3) socio-economic development; (4) human rights, justice and reconciliation; and (5) coordination, management and resource mobilisation. These five dimensions need to be programmed simultaneously, collectively and cumulatively to develop momentum to sustainable peace. While there are processes, phases and issues that can be said to be common to most countries emerging from conflict, one should recognise the uniqueness of each conflict system, in terms of its own particular socioeconomic and political history, the root causes and immediate consequences of the conflict an the specific configuration of the actors that populate the system. Further, as most intra-state conflicts in Africa are interlinked within regional conflict systems, country specific post-conflict reconstruction systems need to seek synergy with neighbouring systems to ensure coherence across regional conflict systems. The nexus between development, peace and security have become a central focus of post-conflict reconstruction thinking and practice over the last decade. The key policy tension in the post-conflict setting appears to be between economic efficiency and political stability. While the need and benefits of improved coherence is widely accepted, there seems to be no consensus on who should coordinate, what should be coordinated and how coordination should be undertaken." (author's abstract)
Considers possible explanations for women's lack of influence on politics, particularly regarding war & peace. Evidence is given for the problematic nature of lumping women into one category for political purposes. Does the size of a minority, in this case, women, matter? Kanter's observations on the relative proportion of women to uniform, skewed, tilted, or balanced groups are included. A challenge stems from Hacker's writing on the "minority status" of women despite their placement or numerical representation in organizations. The potential impact of greater female involvement in decision making is viewed in terms of female politicians' potency, reactions to female politicians, political culture, the historic omission of women from political discourse, & policy changes. Also considered are critical mass, female or gender-neutral quotas, & quota systems in legislation & political parties. Examples from the Danish Social Democratic Party, the Norwegian Labor Party, & the Swedish Social Democratic Party are included, & suggestions are offered for more gender-sensitive platforms. M. C. Leary
Recession, repression, & militarization have marked globalization from above, & the promises of prosperity, democracy, & peace have gone unfulfilled. With the US policy of unilateralism, war & violence are escalating. In the face of globalization from above, activists around the world have formed a movement for globalization from below, challenging the international elites & transnational corporations. In this movement, grassroots groups self-organize & cooperate across national borders, as in the Argentinian piqueteros. US President Bush's unilateralism & opposition to initiatives of the global justice movement are being resisted, but the rapidly developing globalization from below has many challenges ahead. M. Pflum
Recession, repression, & militarization have marked globalization from above, & the promises of prosperity, democracy, & peace have gone unfulfilled. With the US policy of unilateralism, war & violence are escalating. In the face of globalization from above, activists around the world have formed a movement for globalization from below, challenging the international elites & transnational corporations. In this movement, grassroots groups self-organize & cooperate across national borders, as in the Argentinian piqueteros. US President Bush's unilateralism & opposition to initiatives of the global justice movement are being resisted, but the rapidly developing globalization from below has many challenges ahead. M. Pflum
Explores the complex relationship between linguistic diversity & intercultural communication, competition, & cooperation in Guatemala where 21 Mayan languages, Nahua, & an Afro-Caribbean language are spoken in addition to the official Spanish. The importance of ethnic diversity & multilingualism in Guatemalan history is discussed, along with the emphasis on "interculturalism" in the 1996 peace accords. Language shifts that have occurred over the last 25 years in Mayan regions are examined, noting the widespread trend toward bilingualism in the Mayan & Spanish languages in the highland regions, & in Spanish & another language (mostly English) in urban areas. A state sponsored bilingual education program in Mayan languages & Spanish was instituted in 1980. Steps outlined in the peace accords for achieving an authentic bilingual intercultural education are described, along with the meaning of "intercultural;" the implications of putting interculturalism into practice; & recommendations of the Special Parity Commission on Indigenous Language Officialization. Prospects for a future pluricultural & multilingual Guatemala are discussed. 1 Figure, 13 References. J. Lindroth
In: The 18th International Conference "The Knowledge-Based Organization - Management and Military Sciences" ; Conference Proceedings 1, 14-16 June 2012, S. 244-250
Since its appearance in 1949, NATO has gradually transformed from a collective defense organization into a community providing security. NATO has been and will continue to remain a vital security commitment between Europe and the U.S., equally appreciated by both parties. The Alliance's evolutionary perspectives equally interested its members and nonetheless other important players in world geopolitics. Currently, NATO is involved in a wide range of activities designed to promote cooperation with a number of countries outside NATO and pro-actively tackle new security challenges of the XXI century. The most relevant aspect of NATO transformation is focused on promoting enhanced political dialogue, both within the organization and in relation with its partners.
This paper reflects on the implications for Canada of new US trends in both security & foreign policy. It is concluded that Canadians cannot ignore the geopolitical realities of how US military power is exercised around the world & the impact of this on bilateral security relations with Canada, particularly in the current era of terrorism. The best response to realism is realism, so it is imperative to recognize & shun the "unrealism" of those who think Canada will lose its independence & sovereignty if it collaborates with the US. It is equally imperative for Canada to "put its money where its mouth is" & greatly increase its efforts & expenditures toward world peace in collaboration with its closest neighbor & ally, the US. To do so is definitely consistent with Canada's best interests & its values. The author prescribes what he thinks should be the basis for future Canadian foreign & defense policy priorities. References.
The major question addressed in this paper is "how Canada can influence the shape & operating expectations of established & emerging coalitions to best benefit Canada's national interests," particularly in light of the challenges facing international coalitions such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) & the frequency with which states form & act through coalitions rather than individually. A major part of Canada's recent foreign policy has been to help build "coalitions of the willing" to address primarily humanitarian issues. Focus here, however, is on Canada's capability to play its commensurate role in coalition-based military operations in response to threats to world peace, rather than just offering token forces to keep its hand in the game. It is contended that much greater effort & expenditure are needed now to strengthen Canada's armed forces to the point where it can actually influence international events. The nature of coalitions & Canada's role within them are discussed, & a new national security strategy for acting through coalitions is outlined that will enable the country to regain & maintain its respected international tradition. J. Stanton