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World Affairs Online
Contemporary international law and China's peaceful development
In: Modern China and international economic law
World Affairs Online
World Peace Forum Beijing, China July 7-8, 2012
In: Foreign affairs journal, Heft 105, S. 1-58
World Affairs Online
Jake, thank you! the whole world is watching this one: a case study of Hu Jintao's 2011 U.S. visit as an international political media event
胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...
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中國外交策略的演變: 以北韓核問題及六方會談為例. ; Zhongguo wai jiao ce lüe de yan bian: yi Bei Han he wen ti ji Liu fang hui tan wei li
北韓核問題引起世界各國的關注,更觸動了中國的神經。雖然,中國領導人一貫強調支持朝鮮半島無核化及希望朝鮮半島能夠保持和平穩定,但中國在處理兩次核問題的方式及舉措卻完全不同。在第一次核危機(1991至1994年)爆發時,中國主要採取不介入的政策;但在第二次核危機(2002至2005年)時,中國卻完全擺脫被動的角色,主動擔當核危機的調停者。 ; 正因為中國處理兩次北韓核問題採取完全不同的外交方針及策略,而且兩次核危機橫跨十多年的時間,無論是國際格局及中國國力也有重大的改變。因此,筆者會嘗試從東北亞的國際體系及權力分配、中國參與國際組織及多邊機制的情況和中國的身份認同及對國家利益及安全的看法這三方面去探討中國主動舉辦「六方會談」以解決第二次北韓核問題的主要原因。 ; 為了更能有效檢視研究論題,筆者也會分析中國90年代末參與的「四方會談」、中國所構建的上海合作組織及九一一事件,以評估這些中介變項對中國主動舉辦「六方會談」的影響。筆者希望能夠從是項研究去瞭解中國外交政策的走向,以評估及預測未來中國對其他國際事務的取態及方針。 ; As the North Korea Nuclear Crisis is one of the most critical security issues for China, the Chinese leaders always claim to maintain peace, prosperity, stability and a nuclear-free status on the Korean Peninsula. But in the two nuclear crises, China presented different attitudes and used different strategies to deal with this issue. ; In the first nuclear crisis (1991-1994), China served as neither a mediator nor a peacemaker, and claimed that Washington and Pyongyang should settle the dispute bilaterally. However, in the second nuclear crisis (2002-2005), China started to play a proactive role and acted as a chief mediator and an honest broker for initiating a multilateral dialogue - Six-Party Talks as a method to settle the crisis. ; Since China played different roles and used different strategies in these two nuclear crises within 10 years, this thesis aims to investigate this change and explain the reasonsfrom mainly three angles, including the power structure of Northeast Asia, China's participation in multilateral institutions, and China's self-identity and views on national interests and security. ; In order to strengthen the analysis, this thesis will also investigate the influence of the Four-Party talks, Shanghai Cooperation Organization and September 11 Attack on the initiatives of the Six-Party Talks. Through this research, the author aims to illustrate the dynamics of China's foreign policy and predict the trend of China's diplomatic behavior towards different international affairs. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed ...
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Les Olimpíades canviaran la Xina, o la Xina canviarà les Olimpíades?
"Han passat cent anys des que es va fer la pregunta que avui és famosa a la Xina: 'Quan podrà la Xina convidar el món sencer a Pequín per a una competició internacional olímpica?'. Al 2008, els Jocs Olímpics es duran a terme a la nació menys 'occidentalitzada' on mai s'han celebrat. Serà la tercera vegada que els Jocs Olímpics d'Estiu se celebrin fora d'Occident o d'una de les seves antigues colònies, i serà la trobada més important entre Orient i Occident en temps de pau. Serà un moment crucial quan la Xina comenci a ocupar el seu lloc com a peça fonamental de la política mundial, en l'economia i en la cultura després de gairebé 170 anys de subordinació als poders occidentals i al Japó. Per als xinesos, l'eslògan olímpic 'Un món, un somni' significa que tota la gent del món vol un bon nivell de vida i seguretat, i que totes les nacions desitgen modernitzar-se i arribar a condicions polítiques i econòmiques estables (.)". ; "Han pasado cien años desde que se formuló la pregunta que ahora es famosa en China: '¿Cuándo podrá China invitar al mundo entero a Pekín para una competición internacional olímpica?'. En 2008, los Juegos Olímpicos se llevarán a cabo en la nación menos 'occidentalizada' en la que se han celebrado hasta ahora. Será la tercera vez que los Juegos Olímpicos de Verano se celebren fuera de Occidente o de sus antiguas colonias, y será el mayor encuentro entre Oriente y Occidente en tiempos de paz. Será un momento fundamental cuando China empiece a ocupar su lugar como pieza fundamental en la política mundial, en economía y en cultura después de casi 170 años de subordinación a los poderes occidentales y a Japón. Para los chinos, el eslogan olímpico 'Un mundo, un sueño' significa que toda la gente del mundo quiere un buen nivel de vida y seguridad, y que todas las naciones desean modernizarse y alcanzar condiciones políticas y económicas estables (.)". ; "One hundred years have passed since the question now famous in China was asked, 'When will China be able to invite all the world to Peking [Beijing] for an International Olympic contest…?' In 2008 the Olympic Games will be hosted by the least 'Westernized' nation in the world to yet host them. It will be only the third time the Olympic Summer Games have been held outside the West and its former colonies, and it will be the greatest-ever meeting of East and West in peacetime. It will mark a pivotal moment when China begins to take its place as a major force in global politics, economics, and culture after nearly 170 years of subordination to the Western powers and Japan. For Chinese people the Olympic slogan 'One World, One Dream' means that all the world's peoples want a high standard of living and a secure life, and all the world's nations want to modernize and achieve stable economic and political conditions (.)".
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Framing China: a study of selected American newspapers' coverage of the Hainan crisis, 2001
Lam Kwan Heung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-137). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendices in English with some Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii-iv ; Acknowledgement --- p.v ; Table of Contents --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.7-22 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methods --- p.23-35 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- An Overview on Hainan --- p.36-46 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Framing of Hainan --- p.47-92 ; Chapter ´Ø --- International law and order ; Chapter ´Ø --- U.S. peacekeeping surveillance ; Chapter ´Ø --- Victimized U.S ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Framing of China --- p.93-125 ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's skewed media ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a problematic communist state ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a secretive military power ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's aggression towards Taiwan ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's buying off U.S. politicians ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion --- p.126-134 ; Bibliography --- p.135-137 ; Appendices --- p.138-182
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