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The article traces the development of the concept of UN peacekeeping missions from the late 1940s, when they were first applied, to the so-called second generation of peacekeeping missions, which is primarily linked with the 1990s. Designating the changes in carrying out peacekeeping missions as normative, quantitative and qualitative, the author also discusses shifts in the understanding of traditional principles of consent of the parties, impartiality of observers and non-use of force in most cases, which were observed by most peacekeeping missions in the Cold War period. The other focus of this article is the case study of the UNTAES peacekeeping mission carried out from January 15, 1996 to January 15, 1998 in Eastern Slavonia, Sirmium and Baranja, which is considered one of the very rare examples of successful application of the second generation of UN peacekeeping missions, but also of peacekeeping missions in general. Adapted from the source document.

The development of regional cooperation in Southeastern Europe is very low in comparison with other European regions. The changes occurring in the attitudes of the international community (through increased sensitivity & familiarity with the situation in the field & the new democratic advances of Croatia) are now creating favorable conditions for the development of regional cooperation. This region can be strengthened through international efforts, including the international community's presence, since with its economic, political & even police/military resources it has enough instruments to support these developments. Southeastern Europe is expected to commence its transformation of the relationships by developing different forms of useful cooperation that should lead to increased security & a more peaceful coexistence. In this context, by means of regional cooperation, it should be possible to integrate this area into the Euro-Atlantic region as a whole. Adapted from the source document.

After the collapse of the bipolar world, multilateral initiatives & organizations entered a state of crisis, but at the same time, their importance increased. The author analyzes one form of multilateral involvement, the UN peacekeeping operations. In the last five years, their number has significantly increased, with the most important one in the territory of former Yugoslavia. Although many aspects of that operation are negative, in the future, they might prove useful for the reform of the concept of peacekeeping operations. The author particularly emphasizes the necessity for these peacekeeping operations to make a shift from the prevention of hostilities toward the imposition of peace, as well as the need to separate this aim from humanitarian activities, which should be assigned to specialized international organizations. The peacekeeping operations should evolve into a sort of multilateral interventionism that, while undoubtedly restricting individual states' sovereignty, strives to establish order. They could be supplemented with other means of pressure at the UN's disposal: sanctions, diplomatic isolation, or arms control. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract. This research aims to give insight into the processes of public interaction between the police and antigovernment protesters during the Coronavirus Crisis in Poland by evaluating crowd control mechanisms. It addresses the research question: where does the model of anti-government protest policing developed by the Polish Police during the Covid-19 pandemic lie on a continuum of antinomic ideal types of escalated force and negotiated management? The research is embedded in studies on protest policing and draws on an intertextual qualitative analysis of police statements and media news. It shows that the policing of protests was closer to escalated force. However, a hybrid model was involved that combined elements of coercion and negotiation. In terms of protecting the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and police tolerance for community disruption, this particular form of policing is close to escalated force. Still, the communication between the police and the assembly participants, the extent and manner of the arrests closely mirrored both models. One dimension, the extent and nature of the force used, indicated negotiated management. Keywords: protest policing, contention, contentious politics, de-democratisation, Coronavirus Crisis, Poland

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has maintained control over the Chinese political system since the establishment of the People's Republic in 1949. Although the Chinese economic system has experienced a drastic change, passing from socialist to more market-oriented economy, the CCP maintained the communist rhetoric that has been adapted to a new reality. Though the political system suffered significant modifications, it never made a U-turn towards liberal democracy. Yet, the most important reform is the transition from a country ruled by a strong leader, to what has been called a collective leadership. Accordingly, the leadership transition has been somehow institutionalized and became a complex process, which is happening in a peaceful way, avoiding major political turbulences. Deng Xiaoping, even though he could be indicated as the last absolute leader of China, promoted the reforms that eventually led to creation of collective leadership and a peaceful leadership transition. The most important aspects were the implementation of the pension system for administration and the top leadership positions, and the establishment of a maximum of two terms in office for all major positions in the country. The collective leadership prevents the possibility of a one-man show and the creation of a dictatorship. Although the system has its discrepancies, it makes PR China a predictable power in which the consensus-based decision-making process is intended to avoid struggles among various fractions and leaders in the Party. Adapted from the source document.

The text analyzes the ambivalent role of the army in the recent Egyptian revolution and the ensuing process of democratic transition. On the one hand, the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak's regime was a result of the activity of the army, which supported the protesters since the onset of the revolution. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, the military body which has taken over power in Egypt, promises to ensure a peaceful transfer of power within a free and democratic system. On the other hand, some acts of the military authorities in the transitional period suggest that, in the next period of time, precisely the army could become the main blocking factor of the process of democratization. The authors deem that the main goal of the army is not to hold on to power, but to build such a political system in which it would enjoy a privileged position, free from civilian control. In the authors' judgement, if a halt to the process of democratization is to be prevented, the USA must make use of its influence and persuade the military leaders, who are preoccupied with their own reputation among the public, to carry through the initiated reforms. Adapted from the source document.