The Trouble with the Congo: Local Violence and the Failure of International Peacebuilding
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 69, Heft 4, S. 724-726
ISSN: 0020-577X
18 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 69, Heft 4, S. 724-726
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 2, S. 275-286
ISSN: 0020-577X
Fragile or failed states are often caused by long lasting and violent conflicts - Liberia is one of them. Since the war ceased in 2003, the United Nations and its coalition of states have tried to rebuild the nation and maintain its peace. Nation building can be seen from two different angles: as a Weberian legal and rational order or as a process that highlights social and contextual factors. Within social sciences this process can be studied either by looking into what factors contribute to a successful nation building or how this process works in practice. The article focuses on the former, by listing and analyzing the involved UN institutions with an emphasis on the Peacebuilding Commission and Peacebuilding Fund. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 4, S. 461-464
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 13
ISSN: 2387-4562
The Arctic region has been the focus of considerable attention in recent years, often concerned with maritime claims and an alleged race for the region's resources. Against this narrative, the article focuses on the practices of Canada and the Russian Federation with respect to their maritime jurisdictional claims and the delimitation of maritime boundaries with their Arctic neighbours. The article provides an overview of the Arctic region and the international law of the sea with an emphasis on the baselines and maritime claims of the Arctic coastal states. Discussion then turns to the maritime boundary agreements that have been concluded in the Arctic region before overlapping claims to areas of continental shelf underlying the central part of the Arctic Ocean are appraised. The article concludes that Canada and the Russian Federation have enjoyed considerable success in resolving overlapping maritime claims and their pragmatic and innovative approaches coupled with existing regional cooperation bode well for finding peaceful solutions to Arctic Ocean governance challenges in the future.
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 13, S. 53-71
ISSN: 2387-4562
Since the start of the Ukrainian crisis in 2014, the Nordic states have sought to advance their defence cooperation "beyond peacetime" to also encompass operational military cooperation in crisis and armed conflict. Relations between the two Nordic non-NATO members, Sweden and Finland, have formed a vanguard, encompassing bilateral operational planning beyond peacetime. While no formal security policy guarantees have been exchanged, Sweden and Finland have created strong expectations that they will lend each other support in a crisis. In short, while no formal alliance treaty exists, the two states have nevertheless become closely aligned. In 2020, Sweden and Finland joined NATO member Norway in signalling their intention to strengthen their trilateral defence relationship. The following year, NATO members Norway and Denmark signed a similar agreement with Sweden. The goal of these documents was to coordinate their national operational plans – their "war plans" – and perhaps develop some common operational plans. In this article, it is argued that these agreements fall short of a formal military alliance, but that they represent an alignment policy between the Nordic states.
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 11, S. 82-107
ISSN: 2387-4562
A hundred years ago on 9 February 2020, the Svalbard Treaty was adopted in Paris, granting Norway her long-standing ambition: full and absolute sovereignty over the Svalbard archipelago. After a brief review of the negotiations that preceded the Paris decision, this article examines the main elements of the Treaty: Norwegian sovereignty, the principle of non-discrimination and the terra nullius rights of other states, peaceful utilization, scientific research and environmental protection. Focus then shifts to Norway's policy towards Svalbard and the implementation of the Treaty's provisions: what have been the main lines of Norwegian Svalbard politics; what administrative structures have evolved; to what extent has Norwegian legislation been made applicable to Svalbard? Importantly, the article also addresses how widespread changes in international law that have taken place since 1920, particularly developments concerning the law of the sea, have brought to the forefront controversial issues concerning the geographic scope of the Treaty's application.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 1, S. 91-101
ISSN: 0020-577X
Modern international law contains certain elements that are of fundamental importance for international law system. Some examples of this are the territorial sovereignty, their political independence and their formal equality - elements that all law is based on, and which is of such importance that if they imagined away, said falling international law as a system completely. International law Regier on the use of military force, which is the topic of this contribution, is another example. Effective restrictions on states' use of military force against other states is of crucial importance for the law's other key elements is to have any reality. Without such restrictions, no real sovereignty and independence, no real rule of peaceful settlement of disputes, and further said. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 4
ISSN: 0020-577X
When this issue of International Politics published it gone for just a week ago the Nobel Peace Prize for 2014 was awarded to Oslo. This year parts Indian Kailash Satyarthi and Pakistani Malala Yousafzay price for its fight against the oppression of children and adolescents and for children's right to education. 'Children must go to school, not exploited for economic purposes,' writes Nobel Committee in its grounds, and continues: 'In the poor countries is 60 percent of the population currently under 25 years. It is a prerequisite for a peaceful development globally that children and young people's rights are respected. Especially in conflict areas helps child molestation that conflicts are passed on through generations. '. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 3, S. 465-483
ISSN: 0020-577X
A large contrast between European Union and the United States still exists when it comes to how the countries influence the world. Whereas the United States is still obsessed with military might, Europe's focus is on economic, cultural and legitimate influence. In the early 20th century it would have been almost impossible to imagine millions of peaceful Europeans demonstrate against a foreign war, but in the early 21st century it is commonplace. Many authors have argued that this change was caused by developments in weapon technology, democratization of the continent, and realization that war is primitive. A theory developed by James Sheehan argues that wars ended due to developmental historic conditions. For example, democracy allows both the war mobilization of the whole population, but it also gives them the opportunity to vote for peace. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 1, S. 35-64
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 2, S. 289-300
ISSN: 0020-577X
An analysis on NUPI's report Norwegian Self-Images and Norwegian Foreign Policy that focuses on what Norwegian foreign policy is and what it should be. Traditionally Norway is known for being a peaceful nation that supports the UN and works internationally as a part of NATO. Norway has two sets of foreign policy self-images: on one hand Norway has noble world improving goals and on the other hand Norway has strong arctic interests and a protectionist agricultural policy. Despite its relative stability, Norwegian foreign policy is significantly being shaped by globalization that affects both its dependence and its space of action. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 2, S. 285-288
ISSN: 0020-577X
Asks whether it is a sound strategy to underline the transparency, predictability and openness of the Norwegian foreign policy when the people are unsure of what this foreign policy should look like. In the early 21st century this foreign policy has become paradoxical when Norway at the same time portrays itself as peaceful nation, while taking part in the Afghan and Iraq wars. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 3, S. 71-84
ISSN: 0020-577X
A national interest, as an expression, fits poorly in the Norwegian language and the country's political culture. Norwegian politicians rarely mention it and internationally the country is isolationist due to its small size, distant location and historical circumstances. However, in the northern European context, Norway has strong resource and environmental political interests, as well as keeping a stable and peaceful relationship with its neighbor Russia. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 63, Heft 1, S. 35-58
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 2, S. 217-236
ISSN: 0020-577X
Between Nov 2003 & Jun 2004, Georgia experienced several dramatic political events. President Eduard Shevardnadze was ousted in a peaceful revolt that was subsequently dubbed the 'Rose Revolution.' He was replaced by a trio of young politicians with the charismatic 35-year-old Mikheil Saakashvili at the helm. The article argues that the actual change was less deep than it was presented in the international media, & that it primarily constituted a youth rebellion within the ethnically Georgian elite in the country's capital, Tbilisi. The new generation of leaders faces a range of pressing problems, in particular corruption & the disintegration of the Georgian state. Several high-profile arrests have been carried out & the renegade republic Adjara was brought back into the fold when Tbilisi won a standoff with its corrupt leader, Asian Abashidze. Problems such as the separatist movement in Abkhazia will, however, be far more difficult to solve. There is a danger that Saakashvili's regime will proceed too fast, be sidetracked by vendettas against old enemies or fail to consolidate democracy. At the moment, however, this is one of the most promising governments in the former Soviet Union. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.