Suchergebnisse

Discusses results of UN involvement in military missions, problems of peace-keeping, command and control, use of force, peace-building, and the reluctance of states to contribute troops and money. Summary in English p. 255.

The Sarajevo Convention, on which the Sarajevo Declaration and the Pact on Stability were adopted, is a kind of a finale to the ten-year contlict in the Balkan region. The most important pioneers in that dynamic process of Europe's preparation for accepting the countries of Europe's South-East have been the Brussels study by the Center for political analyses, the German "new politics" and the US support. The analyses of the goals and mechanisms of the Pact show that it is a major political instrument, though hailed as a mixed blessing. If all the actors - states, nongovernmental organizations, associations, and individuals - are provided with long-term conditions for creating affiliations, joint views and projects, the process of building better relations may be initiated. The Europeisation of South-East Europe is going to be a lengthy and complex process, and the Pact on Stability may become an important form of building new relations in this region. (SOI : PM: S. 22)

Discusses NATO's unique role in maintaining security and stability during the Cold War. and argues that the peace mission in Bosnia-Herzegovina represents a turning point in NATO's mission and a change in Portugal's position within NATO. Included in a collection of articles under the overall title "Os 50 anos da Aliança Atlântica". Summaries in English and French p. 253 and 255.

A pandemia de Sars-Cov-2 parece ter surpreendido a maioria das autoridades políticas e sanitárias, em razão da velocidade da difusão do vírus e da necessidade de controlá-la por medidas estritas de confinamento, sem precedentes em tempo de paz na escala planetária. Como apreender o "sucesso" do patógeno em termos geográficos? Este artigo objetiva mostrar que a pandemia se construiu a partir das próprias características do sistema-Mundo urbanizado. Com efeito, só as condições da urbanização global podem explicar a cinética e a exaustividade geográfica da epidemia de Covid-19. O texto visa também compreender como se estabelecem as diferenciações espaciais locais e regionais de tal fenômeno global e propõe, finalmente, uma leitura da pandemia à luz do paradigma do antropoceno. ; La pandémie de Sars-cov-2 semble avoir pris de court la plupart des autorités politiques et sanitaires, en raison de la rapidité de la diffusion du virus et de la nécessité de la contrôler par des mesures de confinement strict, sans équivalent en temps de paix à une échelle planétaire. Comment appréhender le «succès» du pathogène en termes géographiques ? Cet article se propose de montrer que la pandémie s'est construite à partir des caractéristiques mêmes du système-Monde urbanisé. Ce sont en effet les conditions de l'urbanisation globale qui seules peuvent expliquer la cinétique et l'exhaustivité géographique de l'épidémie de Covid 19. Le texte tente également de comprendre comment s'établissent les différentiations spatiales locales et régionales d'un tel phénomène global et propose in fine une lecture de la pandémie à la lumière du paradigme de l'anthropocène. ; The Sars-Cov-2 pandemic seems to have amazed most political and health authorities, due to the speed of the spread of the virus and the need to control it through strict confinement measures, unprecedented in peacetime on a global scale. How can we understand the "success" of the pathogen in geographical terms? This article aims to show that the pandemic has been built from very specific characteristics of the urbanized world-system. As a matter of fact, only the conditions of global urbanization should explain the geographical kinetic and exhaustiveness of the Covid 19 pandemic. The article also aims to understand how the local and regional spatial differentiations of such phenomenon are established and, finally, proposes an interpretation of the pandemic, considering the anthropocene paradigm.

The paper analyzes the modern aspects of "soft power" in modern international relations using the example of the festival student movement, which celebrated its 70th anniversary in 2017 in Sochi. Youth policy is an integral part of public policy both domestically and abroad. Soft power institutions are seen as integral tools of modern international politics. In the XX century, a special form of youth participation, or youth festivals, was formed. The paper uncovers the way of thinking, technique and substance of the World Festivals of Youth and Students, just as the highlights of their projects. Right up 'til the present time, work at celebrations assumes a significant part in accomplishing worldwide compassionate objectives, specifically, guaranteeing quiet life on our planet and the foundation of fair qualities. The fundamental way of thinking of the celebration is the standards of harmony, kinship of people groups, global solidarity, against radical and hostile to industrialist battle. The flame of the festival did not die out during the establishment of a unipolar world after the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and today is a symbol of the hope for a just and peaceful life on Earth. The 19th WFYS, which took place in 2017 on the Black Sea coast in the city of Sochi, was another example of the successful work of the World Federation of Democratic Youth on the dissemination of universal values and progressive ideas. ; El documento analiza los aspectos modernos del "poder blando" en las relaciones internacionales modernas utilizando el ejemplo del movimiento estudiantil del festival, que celebró su 70 aniversario en 2017 en Sochi. La política de juventud es una parte integral de la política pública tanto a nivel nacional como internacional. Las instituciones del poder blando se consideran herramientas integrales de la política internacional moderna. En el siglo XX, se formó una forma especial de participación juvenil, o festivales juveniles. La ponencia descubre la forma de pensar, la técnica y la sustancia de los Festivales Mundiales de la Juventud y los Estudiantes, así como los aspectos más destacados de sus proyectos. Hasta la actualidad, el trabajo en las celebraciones asume un papel importante en el logro de los objetivos compasivos en todo el mundo, específicamente, garantizar una vida tranquila en nuestro planeta y la base de las cualidades justas. La forma fundamental de pensar de la celebración son los estándares de armonía, parentesco de grupos étnicos, solidaridad global, frente a los radicales y hostiles a la batalla industrial. La llama del festival no se extinguió durante el establecimiento de un mundo unipolar después del colapso de la URSS en 1991 y hoy es un símbolo de la esperanza de una vida justa y pacífica en la Tierra. La XIX WFYS, que tuvo lugar en 2017 en la costa del Mar Negro en la ciudad de Sochi, fue otro ejemplo del trabajo exitoso de la Federación Mundial de Jóvenes Democráticos en la difusión de valores universales e ideas progresistas. ; O documento analisa os aspectos modernos do "soft power" nas relações internacionais modernas, usando o exemplo do movimento estudantil do festival, que celebrou seu 70º aniversário em 2017 em Sochi. A política da juventude é parte integrante das políticas públicas, tanto no país como no exterior. As instituições de "soft power" são vistas como ferramentas integrais da política internacional moderna. No século XX, uma forma especial de participação juvenil, ou festivais juvenis, foi formada. O documento revela a forma de pensar, técnica e substância dos Festivais Mundiais da Juventude e dos Estudantes, assim como os destaques de seus projetos. Até o presente, o trabalho nas celebrações assume um papel significativo na realização de objetivos de compaixão mundial, especificamente, garantindo uma vida tranqüila em nosso planeta e a fundação de qualidades justas. A forma fundamental de pensar da celebração são os padrões de harmonia, parentesco de grupos de pessoas, solidariedade global, contra a batalha radical e hostil aos industrialistas. A chama do festival não se apagou durante o estabelecimento de um mundo unipolar após o colapso da URSS em 1991 e hoje é um símbolo da esperança de uma vida justa e pacífica na Terra. O 19º WFYS, que aconteceu em 2017 na costa do Mar Negro, na cidade de Sochi, foi outro exemplo do trabalho bem sucedido da Federação Mundial da Juventude Democrática sobre a disseminação de valores universais e idéias progressistas.

The article aims to identify as the main passions that run through the Hobbesian theoretical corpus. To this end, the exhibition will begin by analyzing the mechanism of the passions founded by the author. Next, it will be highlighted how unbridled passions make peaceful coexistence between individuals unfeasible, establishing a scenario in which conflicts are inevitable. Two passions will be analyzed in more detail: vainglory and fear. After emphasizing that the Hobbesian man tends naturally to his own benefit, to competition and to domination, representing a threat to the other, it will be pointed out how the State asserts itself as the necessary that aims to discipline like passions. This part of the argument will analyze as desirable passions for the maintenance of civil life, with emphasis on hope, the desire for comfort and delight, the desire for knowledge and the arts, as well as for fear and vainglory itself.

Habermas discusses the chances for the establishment of world citizenship in contemporary society, marked by multiculturalism and the process of globalization. Habermas identifies the historical configuration of the post-national constellation, and from there themed the transition from international law to the law of citizens of the world, which aligns the concept of citizenship to the idea of ​​human rights. Habermas analyzes the Kantian idea of ​​a cosmopolitan state in which citizens are legal subjects of their respective States and members of a cosmopolitan entity. Kant elaborates on the concept of world republic, which Habermas disagrees with, but offers the example of the European Union for a discussion on the realization of a just and peaceful international order. Based on the Kantian orientation of constituting an order of world citizenship, Habermas discusses the conformation and viability of this idea in contemporary times. For Habermas, it is possible to spell out the idea of ​​cosmopolitan citizenship. From the European Union, cooperation between States and citizens shows that a cosmopolitan community is needed to complement an international community of States.

The article discusses the conditions that enabled the occurrence of cases of female sexual abuse and exploitation practised by peacekeepers during the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). The paper seeks to understand this context through a feminist perspective, considering the influence of militarized masculinity and the socioeconomic conditions of the country to perpetuate violence against girls and women along the mission's duration. ; Neste artigo discutimos as condicionantes que contribuíram para a ocorrência de casos de abuso e exploração sexual feminina praticada por peacekeepers durante a Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti (MINUSTAH). No trabalho, buscamos compreender a conjuntura a partir de uma perspectiva feminista, considerando a influência da masculinidade militarizada e das condições socioeconômicas do país para a perpetuação da violência contra meninas e mulheres durante o período de vigência da missão.

In the Armed Forces' campaign activities, large troops may be exposed to serious health risks even before war itself. In 2010, for example, the Brazilian Army sent nearly 2,000 men to join the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Haiti, which was experiencing a cholera epidemic. This work therefore investigated the water quality and sanitation of the various types of reservoirs used in four field-training activities of a Brazilian Army Unit located in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Physicochemical and microbiological analyses of the water were carried out, and visual inspections and swab samples were collected from the inner surface of these reservoirs for counting coliform bacteria and counting mesophilic aerobic microorganisms. Physicochemical and microbiological analyses of water from different types of reservoirs revealed a lack of conformity with American Public Health Association and Ordinance Number 518, of 03/25/04, of the Brazilian Ministry of Health . It was observed that 50% of the collective and individual reservoirs did not have the desirable minimum levels of Free Residual Chlorine. In addition, in 35.7% of the total collective and individual reservoirs evaluated there was growth of coliform group bacteria and in 28.57% of them the number of heterotrophic bacteria exceeded the maximum recommendation. According to the swabs performed on the inner surfaces, results of the total viable mesophilic aerobic counts were above the recommended levels in 78.57% of the total evaluated reservoirs. Besides that, in the Lyster bags of activities 1 and 2, there was growth of coliforms, or 14.28% of the total evaluated reservoirs. It was concluded that there were failures in the management of multiple barriers during storage and / or distribution, as well as in the maintenance of disinfection to prevent or eliminate microbial contamination, indicating the need for corrective measures. ; In the Armed Forces' campaign activities, large troops may be exposed to serious health risks even before war itself. In 2010, for example, the Brazilian Army sent nearly 2,000 men to join the United Nations peacekeeping mission in Haiti, which was experiencing a cholera epidemic. This work therefore investigated the water quality and sanitation of the various types of reservoirs used in four field-training activities of a Brazilian Army Unit located in the state of Rio de Janeiro. Physicochemical and microbiological analyses of the water were carried out, and visual inspections and swab samples were collected from the inner surface of these reservoirs for counting coliform bacteria and counting mesophilic aerobic microorganisms. Physicochemical and microbiological analyses of water from different types of reservoirs revealed a lack of conformity with American Public Health Association and Ordinance Number 518, of 03/25/04, of the Brazilian Ministry of Health . It was observed that 50% of the collective and individual reservoirs did not have the desirable minimum levels of Free Residual Chlorine. In addition, in 35.7% of the total collective and individual reservoirs evaluated there was growth of coliform group bacteria and in 28.57% of them the number of heterotrophic bacteria exceeded the maximum recommendation. According to the swabs performed on the inner surfaces, results of the total viable mesophilic aerobic counts were above the recommended levels in 78.57% of the total evaluated reservoirs. Besides that, in the Lyster bags of activities 1 and 2, there was growth of coliforms, or 14.28% of the total evaluated reservoirs. It was concluded that there were failures in the management of multiple barriers during storage and / or distribution, as well as in the maintenance of disinfection to prevent or eliminate microbial contamination, indicating the need for corrective measures. ; Nas atividades de campanha das Forças Armadas, grandes tropas podem ser expostas a sérios riscos à saúde antes mesmo da ação militar propriamente dita. Em 2010, por exemplo, o Exército Brasileiro enviou quase 2.000 homens para participar da missão de manutenção da paz das Nações Unidas no Haiti, que estava passando por uma epidemia de cólera. Este trabalho teve como objetivo investigar a qualidade da água e o saneamento dos vários tipos de reservatórios utilizados em quatro atividades de treinamento em campo de uma Unidade do Exército Brasileiro, localizada no estado do Rio de Janeiro. Foram realizadas análises físico-químicas e microbiológicas da água, além de inspeções visuais e amostras de swab da superfície interna desses reservatórios, para contagem de bactérias coliformes e microrganismos aeróbios mesófilos. Análises físico-químicas e microbiológicas da água de diferentes tipos de reservatórios indicaram um desacordo com as recomendações da Associação Americana de Saúde Pública e da Portaria número 518, de 25/03/04, do Ministério da Saúde. Observou-se que 50% dos reservatórios coletivos e individuais não apresentavam os níveis mínimos desejáveis de cloro residual livre. Além disso, 35,7% do total de reservatórios coletivos e individuais avaliados apresentaram crescimento de bactérias do grupo coliforme e em 28,57% delas o número de bactérias heterotróficas excedeu a recomendação máxima. De acordo com as swabs realizados nas superfícies internas, os resultados das contagens aeróbicas mesofílicas viáveis totais ficaram acima dos níveis recomendados em 78,57% do total de reservatórios avaliados. Nos sacos Lyster das atividades 1 e 2, houve crescimento de coliformes, ou seja, 14,28% do total de reservatórios avaliados. Concluiu-se que houve falhas no gerenciamento de múltiplas barreiras durante o armazenamento e / ou distribuição, bem como a manutenção da desinfecção para prevenir ou eliminar a contaminação microbiana, indicando a necessidade de medidas corretivas.

Doktorska disertacija nastoji da objasni rezultate višestranačkih parlamentarnih izbora u Srbiji od 1990. godine do prve mirne smene vlasti 2000. godine sa stanovišta informisanosti publike o izbornim opcijama. U njoj je potvrđena generalna hipoteza da su informativni televizijski programi o izborima za Skupštinu Srbije tokom 1990-tih godina onemogućavali slobodnu i poštenu utakmicu izbornih rivala. Umesto da biračima ponude adekvatne informacije kao osnovu za racionalan izbor, oni su sistematski favorizovali jednog izbornog učesnika u odnosu na druge. U radu se utvrđuju glavne medijske strategije uticaja na mišljenje birača na osnovu empirijske analize televizijske prezentacije izbora u periodu 1990-2000. godina. Kvantitativno-kvalitativna analiza sadržaja obuhvata redovne informativne programe i specijalizovane izborne programe proizvedene tokom kampanje za izbore za Skupštinu Srbije 1990, 1992, 1993, 1997. i 2000. godine. Analiza je fokusirana na utvrđivanje centralne strategije medijske prezentacije izbora u svakom pojedinačnom ciklusu, identifikovanje slike društvene i političke realnosti kao konteksta u koji se smeštaju informacije o aktivnostima izbornih učesnika, utvrdjivanje glavne teme-dileme izborne kampanje u odnosu na koju se pozicioniraju izborni učesnici i utvrđivanje televizijskih imidža glavnih izbornih rivala. Analizi medijske slike izbora prethodi razmatranje političkog, pravnog i medijskog konteksta u kome su izbori održani. Analiza je potvrdila radne hipoteze da je izborno izveštavanje državne televizije RTS (RTB) od 1990. do 2000. godine podsticalo biračku podršku za vladajuću stranku – Socijalističku partiju Srbije (SPS) ili njenu koaliciju – sistematskom diskriminacijom njenih izbornih rivala; da su specijalizovani izborni programi državne televizije favorizovali interese vladajuće partije SPS ili njene koalicije u odnosu na interese drugih izbornih učesnika i favorizovali interese izbornih učesnika u odnosu na interese birača; i da je redovno TV izveštavanje o aktuelnim neizbornim događajima omogućavalo da izborne poruke jednog izbornog učesnika budu lakše prihvatljive za birače od poruka njegovih izbornih rivala. Način na koji je izveštavanje o izborima kontekstuirano u specifičnu sliku neizbornih događaja identifikovan je kao ključna dugoročna strategija uticaja na birače, zajedno sa medijskim definisanjem smisla izbora u skladu sa interesima jednog izborno učesnika - poželjnog izbornog pobednika. Doktorska disertacija je potvrdila teorijsku hipotezu da kulturološke studije nude pogodnu teorijsku i analitičku osnovu za istraživanje uloge medija u izbornoj komunikaciji u Srbiji tokom 1990-tih godina. ; The doctoral thesis aims to explain the results of multiparty parliamentary elections in Serbia from 1990 until the first peaceful change in power in 2000 from the standpoint of information about election options available to voters. The thesis confirms a general hypothesis that the information TV programs about elections for the Parliament of Serbia during the 1990-ies prevented a free and fair competition of election rivals. Instead of offering adequate information to voters as a basis for a rational choice, TV programs systematically favored one election participant over others. The thesis identifies the main media strategies of influencing the opinion of voters on the basis of empirical analysis of television presentation of elections in the period 1990-2000. The quantitative-qualitative content analysis is applied to regular news programs and specialized electoral broadcasts produced during campaigns for elections for the Parliament of Serbia in 1990, 1992, 1993, 1997 and 2000. The analysis is focused on identifying the central strategy of the media presentation in each election cycle, the picture of social and political reality as a context for the information on activities of election participants, the main issue of the election campaign and TV images of the main election rivals. The analysis of the media picture of the elections is preceded by a review of political, legal and media context in which the elections took place. The analysis confirmed the working hypothesis that the election coverage of the state television RTS (RTB) from 1990 until 2000 mobilized the voters' support for the ruling party – Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) or its coalition – by a systematic discrimination of its election rivals; that the specialized programs of the state television favored the interests of the ruling party SPS or its coalition in comparison to interests of other election contestants as well as the interests of election participants over the interests of voters; and that the regular Serbian television news reporting about non-election events made the messages of one election participant more easily acceptable by voters than the messages of other contestants. The way the coverage of election events was placed into a specific picture of non-election events is identified as the key long-term strategy for influencing the voters' decision, together with the media definition of the meaning of the election which was in accord with the interests of one election participant – the preferred election winner. The thesis confirmed a theoretical hypothesis that cultural studies offer a convenient theoretical and analytical basis for studying the role of the media in election communication in Serbia during the 1990's.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; The significance of human rights and transitional justice (TJ) cannot be overemphasized. This underscores why Aspiration three (3), "An Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice and the rule of law",and Aspiration four (4), "A peaceful and secured Africa", of Agenda 2063 – The Africa We Want – focus on human rights promotion, silencing the guns by 2020, peace, security and development. In order to accomplish these objectives of Africa's Agenda 2063, a ten-year implementation plan was developed. The year 2015 was dedicated to Women's empowerment and 2016 to human rights, with a special focus on the rights of women

We present an overview of the field of conflict economics. We begin by explaining important distinctions between standard textbook economics and conflict economics regarding assumptions, subject matter, and interrelations between economics and conflict. We then provide summaries of selected economic theories and empirical evidence that together help reveal important aspects of conflict – and peace – through an economics lens. Among the topics covered in the theoretical and empirical overview are why violence is sometimes chosen over peaceful approaches to address intergroup disputes, why it is "rational" for political leaders to sometimes mass kill civilians (and what can be done to prevent this), how social norms of committing harm against outgroups can propagate (or be stopped), why it can be difficult to develop laws and institutions to promote stable peace, and how third-party efforts to promote peace can sometimes make things worse. Lastly, we provide samples of data resources, working paper archives and journals, and readings consisting of major textbooks, handbooks, and edited books in the field of conflict economics. ; Apresentamos uma visão geral do campo da economia de conflito. Começamos explicando distinções importantes entre a economia padrão de livros didáticos e economia de conflito em relação a suposições, assunto e inter-relações entre economia e conflito. Em seguida, fornecemos resumos de teorias econômicas selecionadas e evidências empíricas que, juntos, ajudam a revelar aspectos importantes do conflito - e da paz - por meio de uma lente econômica. Entre os tópicos abordados na visão teórica e empíricau, por que é "racional" que líderes políticos às vezes matem civis em massa (e o que pode ser feito para evitar isso), como normas sociais de cometer danos contra grupos externos podem se propagar (ou ser interrompido), por que pode ser difícil desenvolver leis e instituições para promover a paz estável e como os esforços de terceiros para promover a paz podem às vezes piorar as coisas. Por último, fornecemos amostras de recursos de dados, arquivos e periódicos de trabalho, e leituras que consistem em grandes livros-texto, manuais e livros editados no campo da economia de conflito.

Polazeći od uverenja da u savremenom svetu postoji izuzetno visok nivo uzajamnezavisnosti država i regiona, odnosno nedeljivost bezbednosti na globalnom nivou,Republika Srbija se u svom delovanju na spoljnopolitičkom planu zalaže za afirmacijukoncepta kooperativne bezbednosti. Smatrajući da se razvijanjem procesa saradnje nabilateralnom i multilateralnom planu može znatno doprineti nacionalnojbezbednosti, zalaže se za jačanje uloge Ujedinjenih nacija kao svetske organizacije,dobijanje statusa članice Evropske unije i aktivno učešće u programu NATO"Partnerstvo za mir", uz stav o neutralnosti zemlje u odnosu na postojeće vojne saveze.Tokom prethodne decenije (naročito poslednjih nekoliko godina) evidentna jeekspanzija u pogledu upotrebe Vojske Srbije u multinacionalnim operacijama. Uzizuzetno povećanje broja angažovanih pripadnika Ministarstva odbrane i Vojske Srbije,proširen je i okvir delovanja – pored misija Ujedinjenih nacija naša zemlja učestvuje iu multinacionalnim operacijama Evropske unije.Kao jedan od osnivača Pokreta nesvrstanih zemalja, u uslovima blokovske podelesveta, Jugoslavija je među članicama Ujedinjenih nacija bila veoma zapažena zbog svogučešća u mirovnim misijama, čime je davala konkretan doprinos očuvanju mira u svetu.U izmenjenim međunarodnim okolnostima nakon "hladnog rata", priroda sukoba u svetuse bitno promenila (sa međudržavnog, težište sukoba je pomereno na nivo unutardržava), a samim tim i način njihovog rešavanja. Nastavljajući tradiciju učešća umirovnim operacijama Ujedinjenih nacija, naša zemlja daje znatan doprinos savremenimmultidimenzionalnim operacijama. ; Starting from the belief that there is a very high level of interdependence betweencountries and regions in the modern world, that is indivisibility of security at a global level, theRepublic of Serbia, acting on its foreign policy plan, advocates affirmation of cooperativesecurity concept. Considering the fact that development of cooperation at a bilateral andmultilateral level can significantly contribute to national security, it advocates strengthening ofthe role of the UN as the world organization, getting the status of the EU member and activeparticipation in the NATO programme "Partnership for Peace", taking into account the opinionon neutrality of the country in relation to the existing military alliances.During the previous decade (particularly the last couple of years) the expansion in termsof the Serbian Armed Forces engagement in multinational operations has been obvious. Inaddition to a significant increase in the number of the engaged Ministry of Defence and SerbianArmed Forces personnel, the engagement framework has been expanded – besides the UNmissions our country participates in the EU multinational operations, as well.As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, in the condition of the worlddivision into blocs, Yugoslavia was rather noticeable among the UN members due to itsparticipation in peacekeeping missions, thus giving a concrete contribution to peacekeeping inthe world. In the changed international circumstances after the Cold War, the nature of conflictsin the world has largely changed (the focus of conflicts has been transferred from intercountry toa level of intracountry conflicts), and the way of their resolution, as well. Following the traditionof participation in the UN peacekeeping operations, our country gives a significant contributionto contemporary multidimensional operations.

Starting from the belief that there is a very high level of interdependence between countries and regions in the modern world, that is indivisibility of security at a global level, the Republic of Serbia, acting on its foreign policy plan, advocates affirmation of cooperative security concept. Considering the fact that development of cooperation at a bilateral and multilateral level can significantly contribute to national security, it advocates strengthening of the role of the UN as the world organization, getting the status of the EU member and active participation in the NATO programme "Partnership for Peace", taking into account the opinion on neutrality of the country in relation to the existing military alliances. During the previous decade (particularly the last couple of years) the expansion in terms of the Serbian Armed Forces engagement in multinational operations has been obvious. In addition to a significant increase in the number of the engaged Ministry of Defence and Serbian Armed Forces personnel, the engagement framework has been expanded – besides the UN missions our country participates in the EU multinational operations, as well. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, in the condition of the world division into blocs, Yugoslavia was rather noticeable among the UN members due to its participation in peacekeeping missions, thus giving a concrete contribution to peacekeeping in the world. In the changed international circumstances after the Cold War, the nature of conflicts in the world has largely changed (the focus of conflicts has been transferred from intercountry to a level of intracountry conflicts), and the way of their resolution, as well. Following the tradition of participation in the UN peacekeeping operations, our country gives a significant contribution to contemporary multidimensional operations. ; Полазећи од уверења да у савременом свету постоји изузетно висок ниво узајамне зависности држава и региона, односно недељивост безбедности на глобалном нивоу, Република Србија се у свом деловању на спољнополитичком плану залаже за афирмацију концепта кооперативне безбедности. Сматрајући да се развијањем процеса сарадње на билатералном и мултилатералном плану може знатно допринети националној безбедности, залаже се за јачање улоге Уједињених нација као светске организације, добијање статуса чланице Европске уније и активно учешће у програму НАТО "Партнерство за мир", уз став о неутралности земље у односу на постојеће војне савезе. Током претходне деценије (нарочито последњих неколико година) евидентна је експанзија у погледу употребе Војске Србије у мултинационалним операцијама. Уз изузетно повећање броја ангажованих припадника Министарства одбране и Војске Србије, проширен је и оквир деловања – поред мисија Уједињених нација наша земља учествује и у мултинационалним операцијама Европске уније. Као један од оснивача Покрета несврстаних земаља, у условима блоковске поделе света, Југославија је међу чланицама Уједињених нација била веома запажена због свог учешћа у мировним мисијама, чиме је давала конкретан допринос очувању мира у свету. У измењеним међународним околностима након "хладног рата", природа сукоба у свету се битно променила (са међудржавног, тежиште сукоба је померено на ниво унутар држава), а самим тим и начин њиховог решавања. Настављајући традицију учешћа у мировним операцијама Уједињених нација, наша земља даје знатан допринос савременим мултидимензионалним операцијама.

In this paper, we developed a normative and ethical refl ection on the process of construction of the National Policy on Violence Prevention and Security in Sport Spectacles. To develop this refl ection, we adopted the following methodological procedures: a literature review, analysis of laws and documents and observations made during our participation in the public debate on violence in Brazilian football and also during exchanges and research apprenticeships conducted in Argentina and Germany, in 2013 and 2014. The text was organized into two interdependent parts: at fi rst, we discussed the main challenges to make the process in question more fair and democratic. Among the challenges addressed, we highlighted the challenge of creating special measures to encourage the inclusion of groups normally excluded from positions of power. Secondly, we presented and justifi ed some concrete measures to overcome these challenges. Among them, the establishment of local committees to prevent football violence, the strengthening and democratization of the National Commission on Violence Prevention and Security in Sport Spectacles (CONSEGUE), of the ministries of Justice and Sports, the creation of the fi gure of ombudsfan, the strengthening of dialogue with the independent associations of supporters and the organizations representing the torcidas organizadas, the training of its leaders, offering them the cultural resources needed to face the problems of everyday lives of these torcidas and needed to the creative and peaceful transformation of the violent confl icts between them, the recognition of less hegemonic forms of discourse, allowing the fans to speak in his own voice, and the creation of the fi gure of the moderator who does Socratic relief work to the word in CONSEGUE. ; Neste texto, desenvolvemos uma refl exão ética e normativa acerca do processo de construção da Política Nacional de Prevenção da Violência e Segurança nos Espetáculos Esportivos. Para desenvolver tal refl exão, adotamos os seguintes procedimentos metodológicos: revisão de literatura, análise de leis e documentos e observações realizadas durante nossa participação no debate público sobre a violência no futebol brasileiro e, também, durante intercâmbios e estágios de pesquisa realizados na Alemanha e na Argentina, em 2013 e 2014. O texto foi organizado em duas partes interdependentes: num primeiro momento, abordamos os principais desafi os para tornar o processo em questão mais justo e democrático. Entre os desafi os abordados, destacamos o de conseguir criar medidas especiais de estímulo à inclusão de grupos normalmente excluídos das posições de poder. Num segundo momento, apresentamos e justifi camos algumas medidas concretas capazes de superar os referidos desafi os. Entre elas, o estabelecimento de comissões locais de prevenção da violência no futebol, o fortalecimento e a democratização da "Comissão Paz no Esporte", dos ministérios da Justiça e do Esporte, a criação da fi gura do ombudsfan, o fortalecimento do diálogo com as associações independentes de torcedores e com as entidades representativas de torcedores organizados, a capacitação de seus dirigentes, oferecendo a eles os recursos culturais necessários para o enfrentamento dos problemas do dia-a-dia dessas torcidas e para a transformação criativa e pacífi ca dos confl itos violentos entre elas, o reconhecimento de formas menos hegemônicas de discurso, que permitam o torcedor se exprimir na sua própria voz, e a criação da fi gura do moderador, que faça o trabalho socrático de assistência à palavra na referida comissão.